Negligence law and blame culture: a critical response to a possible problem
Journal of Professional Negligence
- Edited by:
- Colm McGrath and Isabel Barter
- Publisher:
- Bloomsbury Professional
- Publication Date:
- September 2024
pp.2–31
Click here to view or download a paginated PDF of this article
Richard Mullender
Today, talk of ‘blame culture’ or ‘compensation culture’ features prominently in discussions concerning negligence law (and the state of contemporary British culture). But, at the time when Professional Negligence first appeared, matters were rather different. On occasion, judges invoked the spectre of a flood of claims (at least some of which might be bogus). Thus, Lord Wilberforce recognised in McLoughlin v O’Brian that ‘a proliferation of claims’ (some of them ‘fraudulent’) may be the upshot of the House of Lords’ decision to compensate the claimant for psychiatric injury. And in other areas of negligence law, fears were expressed concerning the possibility of increased resort to litigation. This was true in, for example, the sphere of medical negligence, where the possibility of a US-style malpractice crisis was contemplated with a sense of foreboding.
1 Introduction
Today, talk of ‘blame culture’ or ‘compensation culture’ features prominently in discussions concerning negligence law (and the state of contemporary British culture). 1 But, at the time when Professional Negligence first appeared, matters were rather different. On occasion, judges invoked the spectre of a flood of claims (at least some of which might be bogus). Thus, Lord Wilberforce recognised in McLoughlin v O’Brian that ‘a proliferation of claims’ (some of them ‘fraudulent’) may be the upshot of the House of Lords’ decision to compensate the claimant for psychiatric injury. 2 And in other areas of negligence law, fears were expressed concerning the possibility of increased resort to litigation. This was true in, for example, the sphere of medical negligence, where the possibility of a US-style malpractice crisis was contemplated with a sense of foreboding. 3
Talk of a possible flood of claims and a possible malpractice crisis is portentous: it conveys a sense of (perceived) threat. In the last 20 years, this sort of language has been supplanted by something rather different. Nowadays, judges and commentators regularly talk about ‘blame culture’ or ‘compensation culture’. 4 And when they do so, they typically convey the impression that they are addressing not a potential problem but, rather, something real – a problem that now besets society. However, as recently as the early 1990s, the beginnings of the shift in attitude suggested here did not attract comment from informed commentators. Writing on the topic of professional liability in negligence in 1991, Keith Stanton argued that the law was in ‘retreat’ and (in light of this point, understandably) made no mention of blame culture. 5 Nevertheless, in more recent years, we have seen extensions in the scope of professional liability. The House of Lords has swept away the immunity from negligence liability enjoyed for over 200 years by barristers. 6 Medical practitioners may now incur liability for failing to warn patients of the risks associated with treatment. 7 Developments of this sort hardly suggest a field that is shrinking. Moreover, we find leading practitioners in the area of professional negligence chronicling the extension of existing principles to new areas of professional activity (having to do with, inter alia, information technology). 8 But to record these developments is not to offer an answer to the question, ‘Is talk of blame culture justified?’ Quite how such a question might be satisfactorily answered is itself a tricky topic that few commentators have considered seriously. 9 It is certainly not a question that has troubled Tony Blair’s New Labour Government. Blair and his colleagues plainly think that there is a blame culture problem. For, having secured victory in the 2005 General Election, the Prime Minister announced that steps would be taken to counter the problem of ‘compensation culture’. 10 To this end, a Compensation Bill has been introduced into Parliament and is intended, inter alia, to ‘clarify’ the common law of negligence and to ensure that claims management services are more adequately regulated. 11
As we shall see below, the evidence on blame culture is equivocal. 12 However, it does not follow from this point that we should take the topic of blame culture less than seriously. At the very least, we should seek to state, in clear terms, what it is that judges and commentators find objectionable about blame culture. To this end, this article seeks to identify and to offer a normative argument against some of the modes of behaviour associated with blame culture. This argument makes appeal to rudimentary doctrine and some of negligence law’s informing purposes (most obviously, the pursuit of corrective justice). Hence, it does not need a blame culture actually to exist in order to have explanatory power. Rather, its power as an explanation depends on the extent to which it captures those concerns that prompt judges, and others, to talk critically about blame culture. Moreover, to the extent that this argument captures these concerns, it has not merely explanatory but also critical force. For it provides a touchstone by reference to which we can assess the conduct of those who bring claims and those who decide them. However, before setting out this argument and exploring its implications, we must look first at the idea of blame culture and some of the empirical evidence concerning it.
2 Comment on blame culture
Before looking at judicial and other comment on blame culture, an important distinction must be drawn. We need to recognise that ours is a blame culture not only in a negative but also in a positive sense. We think it morally (as well as legally) right to blame those who, inter alia, commit crimes, perpetrate civil wrongs, and violate the human rights of others. 13 Blame in these contexts is generally regarded as valuable. For it works, among other things, to secure the interests of individuals and society (eg where criminals are punished) and to encourage in wrongdoers (eg tortfeasors) a sense of personal responsibility. Blame culture in this positive sense is not our concern. Our topic will be blame culture in a negative sense, and we now turn to judicial statements concerning it.
(a) The judiciary on blame culture
Four years into Professional Negligence’s life, Lord Templeman, while not using the phrase, spoke to the issue of blame culture in the negative sense. In CBS Songs Ltd v Amstrad Consumer Electronics plc, 14 he focused his attention on the two-stage duty of care test set out by Lord Wilberforce in Anns v Merton LBC. 15 Lord Templeman made this speech during the ‘retreat’ from Anns, and his dissatisfaction with the two-stage test is plain to see. 16 He described Anns as having ‘put the floodgates on the jar’. 17 This phrase is rich in significance. For it may be read as making oblique reference to Lord Wilberforce’s statement immediately prior to setting out his duty of care test. In this statement, he said that ‘[i]n order to establish that a duty … arises in a particular situation, it is not necessary to bring the facts of that situation within those of previous situations in which a duty of care has been held to exist’. 18 The readiness to entertain novel claims made plain by these words would seem to explain Lord Templeman’s use of the figurative (and censorious) ‘on the jar’. But attention must also be paid to the other trope used by Lord Templeman. ‘[T]he floodgates’ refers to two fears by which judges have long been haunted. The first of these fears is that the administration of justice will be compromised by a volume of claims that the judiciary are unable to process adequately. 19 The second fear is that judges will be confronted by a large number of claimants who seek to advance bogus claims. 20 Moreover, Lord Templeman’s use of the phrase ‘on the jar’ turns these fears into live possibilities. Thus, Anns is presented as an engine of blame culture.
On Lord Templeman’s analysis, this engine was powerful. For he went on to state that pleadings typically assume that ‘we are all neighbours now’. 21 Warming to his theme, he added that foreseeability had become ‘a reflection of hindsight and that for every mischance in an accident prone world someone solvent must be liable in damages’. 22 These words repay close attention. They are not portentous. They tell of an undesirable state of affairs (blame culture) that is assumed to exist. 23 Thus we see in CBS Songs a clear sign of the shift in outlook mentioned in the Introduction above: what had hitherto been treated as a threat was, by the late 1980s, assumed to be a reality.
A little more than a decade after the first issue of Professional Negligence appeared, views of the sort set out by Lord Templeman in CBS Songs were on their way to becoming received wisdom. Consider the judgment of Rougier J in John Munroe (Acrylics) v London Fire and Civil Defence Authorities. 24 For Rougier J ‘[i]t is a truism to say that we live in the age of compensation’. 25 He explains precisely what he means by adding that ‘[t]here seems to be a growing belief that every misfortune must … be laid at someone else’s door’. 26 This ‘belief’ plainly disturbs the judge, for he goes on to sound a sharply critical note. He states that ‘after every mishap, every tragedy, the cupped palms are outstretched for the solace of monetary compensation’. 27 Moreover, this is a development that Rougier J sees the judiciary as having encouraged. This is because ‘claims that would have been unheard of 30 years ago are now being entertained’. 28
An example of the sort of claim that Rougier J has in mind might be provided by Bradford-Smart v West Sussex County Council. 29 Here, the claimant sought compensation for bullying at school. While the Court of Appeal recognised that schools are under a duty to protect their pupils from bullying, the claim was unsuccessful. 30 Judge LJ set out the court’s response, and the issue of blame culture plainly preyed on his mind. He dwelt at some length on the possibility that the claimant’s mother may have made exaggerated claims concerning her daughter’s treatment at school. 31 Moreover, he emphasised the importance of this issue by drawing on Lord Slynn’s speech in Phelps v London Borough of Hillingdon. 32 In Phelps, Lord Slynn had noted ‘the fact that some claims may be without foundation or exaggerated’. 33 Lord Slynn had also observed that such ‘claims should not be encouraged and the courts should not find negligence too readily’. 34 Here, again, we see a senior member of the judiciary assuming that blame culture is a fact and indicating ways in which to counter it.
Judicial determination to discourage blame culture is readily apparent in Vellino v Chief Constable of Greater Manchester Police. 35 Vellino was a notorious petty criminal who lived in a second-floor flat. He leapt from his bedroom window in an effort to evade arrest. Unsurprisingly, he suffered serious injury and (perhaps equally unsurprisingly) he mounted a negligence claim against the defendant. By a majority, the Court of Appeal rejected Vellino’s claim. Schiemann LJ described the claimant’s argument as ‘self-evidently absurd’. 36 The claimant had committed a crime in attempting to escape from the police and bore responsibility for the injuries he had inflicted on himself. 37 However, while Schiemann LJ’s views were echoed by Sir Murray Stuart-Smith, Sedley LJ dissented. He concluded that a duty could be imposed in circumstances where (as here) the police officers had ‘afford[ed] [the claimant] a temptation to escape and [given him] an opportunity to do so’. 38
In this disagreement between dissenter and majority over the scope of negligence liability, the politics of blame culture loom into view. Likewise, the politics of blame culture feature in Tomlinson v Congleton Borough Council (which concerned occupiers’ liability). 39 In Tomlinson, the claimant struck his head and subsequently suffered paralysis from the neck down having dived into a shallow stretch of water in a lake owned by the defendant. Before suffering this injury, the claimant had entered the recreational facility in which the lake was located as a visitor. 40 He then ignored notices reading ‘DANGEROUS WATER: NO SWIMMING’ and sustained the injury that led him to sue. 41 At trial, Jack J rejected the claim on, inter alia, the ground that the risk of injury (through diving in shallow water) was ‘obvious’ and, hence, the claimant was the author of his misfortune. 42 But a Court of Appeal majority allowed the claimant’s appeal. Ward LJ’s characterisation of the relevant risk was very different from that of Jack J. Rather than focusing on the claimant’s decision to dive in a shallow stretch of the lake, Ward LJ contemplated ‘the risk of entering the water’. 43 Having characterised the risk in these broad terms, he identified it as embracing diving-related injuries. 44 The position staked out by Ward LJ was far more favourable to the claimant. So too was that of Sedley LJ. He stated that it is ‘only where the risk is so obvious that the occupier can safely assume that nobody will take it that there will be no liability’. 45 In light of these points, the court concluded that the claim should succeed since the defendant was under a duty to prevent those visiting its facility from swimming in the lake.
In a further appeal, the House of Lords rejected this conclusion. Lord Hoffmann’s leading speech explains in clear terms why the House could not endorse the position staked out by Ward and Sedley LJJ. Lord Hoffmann placed emphasis on ‘the individualist values of the common law’ and on the law’s informing commitment to personal responsibility. 46 This being so, it comes as no surprise to find him driving home the point that the claimant had ‘freely and voluntarily’ courted risk by diving into the water. 47 Moreover, Lord Hoffmann emphasised ‘the cost of taking preventative measures’. 48 Here, he had in mind more than the financial costs involved in taking ‘defensive measures’ to reduce or eliminate the risks from swimming. He also took into consideration the social value of the activities that would have to be prohibited in order to reduce or eliminate these risks. 49 Lord Hoffmann described this latter consideration as raising ‘an important question of freedom’. 50 For, on his analysis, denying responsible visitors the opportunity to enjoy the defendant’s recreation facility in order to safeguard the ‘irresponsible’ from danger would be a source of injustice. 51 In light of this point, and those noted earlier, Lord Hoffmann and his colleagues restored Jack J’s decision.
Tomlinson brings the politics of blame culture clearly into view by presenting us with two very different approaches to the regulation of risk. On Lord Hoffmann’s analysis, the idea of personal responsibility and the positive value of risky conduct state powerful reasons for placing significant limits on the circumstances in which liability for harm to others may arise. By contrast, Ward and Sedley LJJ downplay the significance of personal responsibility and pay no regard to the positive value of risky activity. 52 Thus, they stake out a position that is much more hospitable to claimants. Moreover, it is the sort of position associated by the legal commentators to whom we now turn with the emergence of a blame culture.
(b) Weir and Atiyah on blame culture
(i) Weir
Tony Weir identifies doctrinal developments as having played a significant part in the emergence of a blame culture. On this subject, he echoes Lord Templeman in CBS Songs, since he describes the two-stage duty of care test set out in Anns as ‘pure plaintiff’s law’. 53He sees the Anns test and other examples of ‘pure plaintiff’s law’ as having worked to turn ours into a ‘wondrously unstoical and whingeing society’. 54 However, Weir’s analysis ranges far wider than duty of care-related doctrine. It embraces, for example, a decision to reject a defence of illegality where, prior to being injured, the claimant had been burgling the defendant’s property. 55 The upshot of judicial readiness to accept undeserving claims is according to Weir, a society in which we are no longer able to ‘grin and bear it’. 56
Weir claims that the ‘wondrously unstoical and whingeing society’ that he describes has been shaped by a sequence of legal developments that have occurred over the last century-and-a-half. By way of support for this claim, he points to the decision in 1846 to allow widows and orphans to sue those who tortiously killed their husbands and fathers. 57 Moreover, he claims that, from 1846 onwards, ‘development [on the part of judges and the legislature] has been almost universally in favour of claimants’. 58 As a result, expansion and progress have, on Weir’s account, been conflated. For a society is ‘thought to be progressive to the extent that it increasingly meets its citizens’ complaints’. 59
(ii) Atiyah
In The Damages Lottery, Atiyah sets out a broadly similar argument. He identifies the judiciary as having fostered a blame culture by developing existing doctrine (over a number of decades) in ways that have enabled more claimants to sue successfully. 60 Atiyah’s argument embraces, inter alia, the House of Lords’ decision in Dorset Yacht Co v Home Office. 61 Hence, he sees blame culture as a problem that has developed over at least three decades. But he is plainly of the view that this problem has, in recent years, assumed the proportions of a crisis. To emphasise this point, he discusses, inter alia, the Court of Appeal’s decision in Barrett v Ministry of Defence. 62 Here, a naval airman drank heavily, fell into an alcoholic stupor, and choked on his own vomit. Employees of the defendant had seen the airman when he was quite incapable of looking after himself. But they failed to recognise that he was in danger of choking to death. Hence, they failed to monitor him constantly. While the defendant was not responsible for the intoxication and debilitation that led to the airman’s death, his widow was nonetheless awarded over £70,000 in compensation. 63 Atiyah describes this decision as ‘offensive to normal ideas of justice’. 64
While categorising Barrett as an ‘extreme’ case, Atiyah sees it as an example of a commonly encountered problem. 65 This is the readiness of judges to ‘stretch’ the law in ways that enable claimants to recover compensation. The stretching described by Atiyah has, on his account, proceeded in a wide variety of ways. Judges have broadened the range of circumstances in which claimants can recover for pure economic loss and mental injury. 66 Likewise, they have staked out doctrinal positions that have exposed, among others, employers and public bodies to a broader range of liability. 67 Atiyah also identifies the judiciary as having stretched causation doctrine. 68 The broad range of doctrinal developments to which Atiyah refers makes his analysis very powerful. However, talk of ‘stretching’ is perhaps less than apt when we consider, for example, the House of Lords’ decision in McGhee v National Coal Board. 69 Here, the House did not so much stretch as abandon existing doctrine on causation. For their Lordships held that a ‘material increase in risk’ combined with a breach of duty could found a claim. Thus they relieved the claimant of the (conventional) burden of having to establish factual (or ‘but-for’) causation. 70
Atiyah’s notion of stretching (a pejorative variation on the theme of incremental elaboration) does not capture the strongly innovative character of the House’s decision in McGhee. Nonetheless, he offers a plausible explanation for the marked readiness of judges to develop the law in ways that redound to the benefit of claimants. Judges are prone to feel ‘sympathy’ for claimants who have often suffered significant injuries. 71 Moreover, judges are, on Atiyah’s account, mindful of the fact that ‘damages will in almost every case be paid for by an insurance company, or an employer or [a] public body’. 72 And the upshot, he concludes, is ‘the mess into which the law has got’. 73 This statement predicates a process of development to which he could have devoted more analytic attention. Likewise, Weir might have devoted more attention to the same process. The account of slippery slope arguments set out by Eugene Volokh affords a basis on which to make some sense of this process. 74
(iii) Slippery slopes and their relevance to Weir and Atiyah
While conceding that slippery slope arguments are not formal proofs, Volokh argues that the issues they raise are often ‘a real cause for concern’. 75 Moreover, Volokh identifies ‘[t]he slippery slope’ as ‘a familiar label’ that embraces a range of arguments. 76 At least two of these arguments have clear relevance to the analyses of blame culture offered by Weir and Atiyah. These arguments concern ‘attitude-altering slippery slopes’ and ‘small-change tolerance slippery slopes’. 77
In the case of attitude-altering slippery slopes, Volokh identifies, among others, judges and legislators as being influenced by the justifications for earlier common law decisions and statutes. 78 He argues that this is because judges and legislators are influenced by the ‘[t]he “normative power of the actual”’. 79 By this he means that judges and legislators are likely to regard the rationales for existing law as morally appealing and, hence, may further develop the law in conformity with them. Moreover, he sees this sort of developmental process as being encouraged by ‘people’s bounded rationality’ which ‘tends to make them seek simple summaries’ of, inter alia, complex fields of legal activity. 80
In the case of small-change tolerance slippery slopes, Volokh explains that they become a matter of practical concern for a very simple reason: ‘we [are apt to] underestimate the importance of gradual changes because our experience teaches us that we [need not] worry much about small changes.’ 81 In other words, we commonly fall prey to ‘small change apathy’. 82 Volokh identifies his account of small-change tolerance slippery slopes as having direct relevance to the common law. This is because ‘existing precedents leave a zone of possible decisions that will seem reasonable to most observers’. 83 Hence, areas of common law, like negligence, are always already ripe for modest developments that are (other things being equal) unlikely to excite controversy.
Volokh’s account of slippery slope arguments throws light on the process of development that concerns Weir and Atiyah. Consider Weir’s critique of Anns. In describing it as ‘pure plaintiff’s law’, he plainly sees it as embodying a practical outlook that he finds objectionable. This outlook is, on Weir’s account, insensitive to the interests of defendants and the adverse consequences wrought by extensions in the scope of liability. Given the history of legal development favourable to claimants that Weir describes, we might see Anns as a decision that lies some considerable way down a slippery slope and encourages further movement in the same direction. On this view, it is both the expression of and an inducement to the cultivation of attitudes that are attuned exclusively to the interests of claimants. In light of these points, Weir appears to be concerned about movement down an attitude-altering slippery slope. Moreover, two features of Lord Wilberforce’s approach to duty suggest that it may have encouraged movement down just such a slippery slope. The test was framed in simple language. Judges were told, first, to consider whether there was ‘a sufficient relationship of proximity or neighbourhood’ and, where their answer was ‘yes’, to identify those ‘considerations’ that supported or weighed against the imposition of liability. 84 And (in the sentence immediately preceding the test) they were told that ‘in order to establish that a duty of care arises in a particular situation, it is not necessary to bring the facts of that situation within those of previous situations in which a duty of care has been held to exist’. 85 Thus, Lord Wilberforce boiled down the matter of duty and the House of Lords’ position on novel claims into a simple summary. And, as we have noted, summaries of this sort can (on Volokh’s account) be a powerful spur to further development. 86
Just as the notion of an attitude-altering slippery slope throws light on Weir’s analysis, so too the notion of a small-change tolerance slippery slope yields insights into the process of development criticised by Atiyah. As earlier noted, Atiyah is troubled by judicial readiness to ‘stretch’ negligence law. Moreover, in some passages of The Damages Lottery, he conveys the impression that at least some judges have, while stretching negligence law, lost sight of its purposes. This is, for example, true of his account of decisions favourable to claimants in ‘extreme cases’ (such as Barrett). However, while negligence law is, on Atiyah’s account, a ‘mess’, it is a mess that has, until recent times, generated little controversy. This may be because the developmental process that Atiyah describes bears striking resemblances to the small-change tolerance slippery slope described by Volokh. For many of the developments that have issued in the ‘mess’ described by Atiyah have been modest: no more than incremental extensions of existing doctrine. 87 Assuming that this analysis is sound, it provides a basis on which to explain why the process of development described by Atiyah has not attracted more criticism.
While the analyses offered by Weir and Atiyah can be refined in the ways suggested above, they nonetheless make an important point. We should not, as Lord Edmund-Davies put the point in the 1970s, ‘elevate all carelessness into a tort’. 88 This is a point with which the commentator to whom we now turn concurs.
(c) Furedi on blame culture
Furedi associates the emergence of blame culture (or what he calls a ‘culture of compensation’ or a ‘culture of complaint’) with a multiplicity of causally significant factors. 89He identifies ‘the consciousness of risk’ as having consolidated over a number of decades. 90 The result is that ‘ordinary experience’ is widely assumed to be fraught with danger. 91 Consequently, ‘[t]he future is seen as a terrain which bears little relationship to the geography of the present’. 92 As a result individuals fall prey to ‘existential insecurities’. 93 And these developments have, on Furedi’s account, encouraged the emergence of ‘the victim’ as a distinct ‘identity’. 94 This identity (which Furedi identifies as having assumed a distinct shape in the 1960s) is underwritten by (and encourages the further development of) a social context where ‘safety has become the fundamental value’. 95
In the risk-averse context that Furedi describes, a ‘new etiquette’ of risk-management has developed. 96 And this etiquette has, according to Furedi, encouraged the view that few of the harms that befall people are accidents. 97 The emergence of this etiquette is not altogether surprising. The state’s commitment to the promotion of health and safety encodes the message that risk management is, in a wide range of contexts, a practical possibility. 98 Moreover, the human capacity to manage risks is not, as the American political philosopher Judith Shklar emphasised in the 1980s, static. 99 For as knowledge of risks accumulates and as technology grows more sophisticated, so too does our capacity to counter the dangers associated with particular types of activity. 100 Consequently, an event that, in one generation, may have been understood as a misfortune can, in the next, take on the appearance of an injustice. 101 These points notwithstanding, Furedi sees ours as a social context in which the commitment to caution has grown inordinately. Thus, when misfortunes and tragedies occur, those who are afflicted by them ‘seek someone to blame’. 102 The upshot is blame culture.
Furedi draws a distinction between his account of blame culture and right-wing analyses of the subject. 103 He identifies the latter as placing emphasis on the pursuit of financial gain as a reason for the emergence of a blame culture. 104 Furedi rejects this view, arguing that ‘cynicism and dishonest manipulation’ cannot explain the broad social trend to which the term blame culture is applied. 105 Instead, he argues that our enthusiasm for ‘the principle of caution’ is (to some extent) misplaced. 106 For it diminishes our sense of autonomy and stigmatises valuable risk-taking. 107
Like Atiyah and Weir, Furedi identifies doctrinal developments in negligence law as an engine of blame culture. Indeed, he states that ‘[t]he most significant single development in the rise of the culture of compensation is the expansion of liability to areas that were previously immune from it’. 108 He is critical of lawyers who have played a part in this process of change. He observes that ‘[a] good legal team can always find a target worthy of blame’. 109 For, ‘[w]ith the advantage of hindsight, most injuries can be interpreted as the consequence of some negligent act’. 110 Moreover, he argues that the legal system has developed in ways that have worked to foster a ‘new’ and less attractive ‘legal culture’. 111 Among the developments that he criticises are the introduction of conditional fee arrangements and ‘the gradual relaxation of … restrictions on the right of lawyers to advertise for claimants’. 112 Furedi concludes that these and the other developments that he lists have led British lawyers to go down ‘the road of American-style ambulance chasing’. 113
In one respect, Furedi’s examination of blame culture is significantly different from those that we have so far considered. It pays much closer attention to relevant empirical materials. 114 This evidence leads him to conclude that blame culture is a live problem in contemporary Britain. 115 This is a view he also shares with the group of commentators to whom we now turn.
(d) Other commentators on blame culture 116
The BBC’s John Humphrys is convinced that contemporary Britain is beset by the problem of blame culture. 117 He adduces a wide-ranging body of evidence to support his conclusion. For example, he draws a comparison between the responses made by police officers to two disasters that occurred less than a generation apart. In 1966, 144 people were killed in Aberfan when waste from a colliery slid onto a school. 118 Twenty three years later, over 90 people died in Sheffield as a result of crushing in the Hillsborough football stadium. 119 None of the police officers who worked in the aftermath of the Aberfan disaster subsequently sued in negligence. 120 But some of those who worked at Hillsborough on the day of the disaster did later claim (unsuccessfully) for compensation. 121
Humphrys draws from this contrast support for the conclusion that ours is a society that has become less stoical and consequently readier to resort to litigation. 122 Here, Humphrys points towards (or, at least, posits) two processes of cultural change (or ‘memetic evolution’) and suggests that the latter is causally related to the former. 123 The first of these processes is a loss of resilience among a significant number of the law’s addressees. The second (driven, or at least encouraged, by the first) is a greater readiness to see others (through the medium of a successful negligence claim) as the solution to one’s practical problems. A claim for compensation discussed by Furedi reflects the pattern of cultural change that Humphrys seeks to capture. Furedi notes that a woman who witnessed the Aberfan disaster as a child issued a writ against British Coal in 1990. Her grounds for doing so were that the scenes she witnessed had induced psychiatric illness in her some twelve years later. 124
Increased readiness to litigate is an issue to which Roy Hattersley (the former deputy leader of the Labour Party) drew attention in his response to the (assumed) problem of blame culture. 125 But the main target for his criticism was Windsor and Maidenhead Town Council. This was because its Education Department had asked head teachers in its schools to carry out a risk assessment and decide whether pupils in their care should be allowed to engage in ‘conker’ fights. Hattersley saw this request as an example of ‘bone-headed stupidity’. 126 Moreover, he argued that ‘[m]adness of this sort is contagious’. 127 And he plainly thought that Britain was afflicted by this contagion. For he concluded with the complaint that ‘as a nation we have grown depressingly litigious’. 128
Hattersley was echoed on this point just a few days later by the Prince of Wales. The Prince was reported as bemoaning ‘an explosion of litigation that blights every corner of public and commercial life’. 129 More recently, the Prime Minister, Tony Blair, has contributed to the blame culture debate. In a speech delivered in London in May 2005, he stated that ‘[w]e are in danger of having a wholly disproportionate attitude to the risks we should expect to run as a normal part of life’. 130 Moreover, he stated that ‘[w]e cannot eliminate risk. We have to live with it, manage it. Sometimes we have to accept that no one is to blame’. 131
This statement, like those examined earlier, assumes that blame culture is an actually-existing problem. This belief seems to be encouraged by regular media coverage concerning the problem of blame culture. 132 But is there a problem? We must now examine relevant empirical evidence.
3 Empirical evidence on blame culture
One way in which we might hope to determine whether blame culture is a real problem is by identifying how many claims are being brought before the courts. Furedi has done just this. Writing in 1999, he found that the previous decade had seen ‘a decline in the number of cases reaching the courts under the tort system’. 133 He noted that 14,410 personal injury cases were brought before the High Court in 1988. 134 But, by 1996, the figure had dropped to 2,850. 135 This downward trend has been confirmed in reports published by the Lord Chancellor’s Department (‘LCD’). 136 The LCD reports reveal a 40 per cent decrease in personal injury claims between 1988 and 1996. One reason for this reduction in the number of cases coming before the High Court is that more cases can now be heard in the county courts. 137 But this point must be set against the fact that the number of cases coming before the county courts declined between 1992 and 1997. 138
These sets of figures hardly suggest that Britain is plagued by the problem of blame culture. However, as Furedi notes, as many as 98 per cent of personal injury claims are dealt with outside the courts. 139 This being so, we might find support for the existence of a blame culture in overall compensation costs. In his examination of these costs (undertaken in 1999), Furedi found that public sector payouts amounted to a sum between £1.8 and £3.1 billion, while private sector payouts amounted to a sum between £1.2 and £2.4 billion. 140 Moreover, to these sums could be added a further sum, somewhere between £0.3 and £0.7 billion, for legal costs. 141 On Furedi’s analysis, these figures lend support to the conclusion that blame culture is a real problem. Furedi does not, however, collate data for the years preceding 1999. Hence, he is unable to demonstrate an upward trajectory in the sums paid out in compensation and in legal costs. He does, however, note that the percentage of legal aid expenditure devoted to personal injury litigation ‘steadily expanded’ after 1981. 142 This point and the figures that we have already noted are hardly the stuff of a knock-down argument. But they do suggest that Furedi’s claims concerning the existence of a blame culture have some plausibility.
Alongside these developments, claims management companies (‘CMCs’) have, in recent years, assumed a position of prominence in the field of personal injury law. These firms use direct marketing or advertising to gather accident cases. 143 They then farm out these cases to solicitors and make their income in the form of referral fees (and associated charges). 144 The Better Regulation Task Force (‘BRTF’) has described the conduct of some CMCs as disreputable. 145 To substantiate this charge, the BRTF identifies a number of these companies as having ‘encouraged’ more than one claimant to argue that a particular paving slab or pothole caused their injuries. 146 Activities of this sort are widely associated with two firms that have now gone out of business: Claims Direct and the Accident Group. Prior to their disappearance from the legal scene, these firms were the market leaders. Their conspicuous (if short-lived) success might be explained (in part, at least) by reference to a problem that has confronted the legal profession in recent years. This is a much increased number of solicitors whose livelihood depends on securing lucrative work. 147 The recent history of the legal profession in the USA is relevant here. The USA is a country in which a large increase in the number of legal practitioners was followed by a dramatic rise in the number of personal injury claims. 148
We should not, however, leap to the conclusion that patterns of development in the USA will necessarily be replicated here. Comparative figures show this country to be less litigious than the USA and Canada. British road accident victims are less likely to sue for compensation than are Americans or Canadians. 149 Likewise, Britons are less likely than either Americans or Canadians to seek compensation for work-related injuries. 150 However, some are unconvinced by these and other such figures. This is true of Richard Posner. His comparison of US and English accident compensation law led him to conclude that, when allowance is made for relevant economic variables, ‘England appears to be more rather than less … litigious than the United States’. 151
More recently, the BRTF (established by the Blair administration) has investigated the issue of blame culture. Its conclusion is that the problem is ‘all in the mind’. 152 By this the BRTF means that there is a widespread perception that blame culture is an actually-existing problem. 153 The BRTF claims, however, that this perception does not map onto reality, because the number of claims is declining, 154 and the percentage of gross domestic product (‘GDP’) expended on processing them is not rising. 155 These figures prompt the question, ‘How, then, can talk of blame culture have gained such currency?’ In response to this question, the BRTF identifies a number of factors as having worked to foster the misperception they describe. Prominent among these factors are the introduction of conditional fee agreements. 156 So too are the activities of claims management firms who encourage claimants to ‘have a go’, ie mount claims that are variously characterised as less than ‘genuine’, ‘unmeritorious’ or ‘unethical’. 157
While some (eg the BRTF) have concluded that blame culture is not a problem, it might be better to say that the data are equivocal. 158 The number of claims is falling, and the cost of claims (as a proportion of GDP) is not rising. But the attitudes and behaviour of at least some claimants and legal practitioners seem to have changed significantly in recent years. 159 As the BRTF recognises, there seems to be greater readiness to ‘have a go’. In light of these points, it would surely be unwise to reach a firm conclusion on the question as to whether blame culture is an actually-existing problem. A further reason for caution concerning the empirical data is the fact that a broad range of relevant concerns have not been given serious consideration in this country. Richard Posner has noted some of these concerns. They include population density, the degree of urbanisation, and average years of education. 160
However, even if we adopt the cautious stance on empirical data urged here, we can reach a firm conclusion on one matter. There is (as the BRTF has pointed out) widespread concern that blame culture is a real problem. How should we understand this concern? 161 We might explain it by reference to negligence law’s informing purposes. Offering such an explanation would be (for the reasons given below) fruitful. For negligence law’s purposes provide a basis on which to offer a normative argument against some modes of behaviour that are closely associated with blame culture.
4 Blame culture: a normative argument
This argument has two steps. The first step takes the form of an examination of negligence law’s purposes. The second step involves an examination of rudimentary negligence doctrine. In this latter regard, the gist of the argument is that the doctrine examined may be used or sidestepped in ways that threaten to thwart pursuit of negligence law’s purposes and to foster a blame culture.
(a) Negligence law’s purposes
Typically, the purposes of negligence law are specified in rather narrow terms. We are regularly told that negligence law is centrally concerned with compensating those who have suffered harm through wrongdoing. 162 This point (as will become apparent in the next step of this argument) is of crucial importance. However, if we are to understand the threat posed by blame culture, we must think more broadly about negligence law’s purposes. The circumstances in which the wrongs addressed by negligence law occur are, in many instances, not spoken to directly by existing liability rules. How, then, does the law afford protection to potential accident victims? Well, addressees of the law (ie potential defendants) are expected to think through and act on the reasonably ascertainable implications of existing doctrine. This point is made by H L A Hart in The Concept of Law. 163 He states that negligence law’s reasonableness standard ‘leaves to individuals, subject to correction by a court, the task of striking a reasonable balance between the social claims which arise in various unanticipatable forms’. 164
The Tomlinson case, which we looked at earlier, serves to illustrate Hart’s point. 165 Lord Hoffmann notes that the defendants monitored the risks that arose as a result of giving the public access to the lake on their land. 166 Moreover, following some ‘near fatalities’, the Borough Council’s leisure officer told his colleagues that ‘[w]e must … do everything that is reasonably possible to deter, discourage and prevent people from swimming or paddling in the lake or diving into the lake’. 167 Here, we see an addressee of the law thinking through and proposing ways in which to act on its reasonably ascertainable implications. But these are not things that all of negligence law’s addressees can be relied upon to do. And, where harm to another is the upshot, and the matter comes before the courts, judges have the opportunity to spell out negligence law’s requirements in authoritative terms.
We see judges performing precisely this task in, for example, Watson v British Boxing Board of Control. 168 In Watson, a professional boxer suffered permanent mental injury. 169 This was because he received inadequate medical and surgical treatment following an injury suffered during a boxing bout. 170 The defendant regulatory body was held liable on the ground that it had failed to update its procedures for the management of boxing-related risks and injuries in the light of advances in medical science. On this point, Kennedy J (at trial) and Lord Phillips MR (on appeal) identified the defendant as being duty-bound to act prospectively so as to ensure that reasonably foreseeable threats to the safety of the claimant were adequately countered. 171 To this end, the defendant should have sought ‘competent advice’ on how to manage the relevant risks reasonably. 172 Had this advice been sought, the defendant would have been able to act on negligence law’s reasonably ascertainable implications. As a result of the defendant’s failure to act in this way, the trial judge and Court of Appeal specified the relevant duty in the way described by Hart. 173
To the extent that potential defendants act in the way contemplated here, one of negligence law’s more obvious purposes (accident prevention) is served. Potential defendants secure the interests of potential accidents victims. Moreover, where potential defendants do no more than what is reasonable to secure the interests of potential accident victims, they act in a way that serves another of negligence law’s purposes. This is to ensure that an adequate balance is struck between the security-related interests of potential claimants and the freedom of action-related interests of potential defendants. 174 In this latter regard, we see negligence law’s informing commitment to distributive justice. For this ideal of justice specifies that the interests of all those affected by the operations of legal and other publicly significant institutions should be defensibly accommodated within them. 175
However, to these points one more must be added. This is because negligence law operates as a form of discovery procedure. Before proceeding further, the work being done by the term ‘discovery procedure’ must be explained. In his political philosophy and economic theory, Friedrich Hayek presents an account of economic markets as a discovery procedure. On Hayek’s analysis, markets afford means by which to co-ordinate and distribute knowledge in ways that redound to the benefit of those in society. 176 But Hayek’s term is applicable in an extended sense to the process that unfolds in trials concerning novel negligence claims. 177 For co-ordination is a feature of the trial process. A judge (who is in a position to make an authoritative determination) is presented with hitherto unavailable information that may reveal the existence of a new threat to negligence law’s addressees. 178 Likewise, the process issues in the distribution of knowledge: either a novel (and more or less significant) mode of harm-infliction is identified as non-tortious or a new liability rule is established. In either case, this process serves the public interest by throwing light on the law’s requirements and the significance that ought to be attached to risks in the environment in which it operates.
The various points set out above provide a basis on which to explain why some forms of behaviour of the sort associated with blame culture are objectionable.
(b) How blame culture may compromise the institution of negligence law
(i) Appealing to ‘reasonable foreseeability’ with the benefit of hindsight
When determining whether the harm suffered by a claimant was reasonably foreseeable, judges are expected to address this question: ‘What would have been reasonably foreseeable at the time the defendant engaged in the conduct that is said to have brought about the claimant’s injuries?’ 179 This doctrinal requirement is supposed to ensure that liability is not imposed unjustly on a defendant by a judge who scrutinises the relevant conduct with the benefit of hindsight. 180 However, while the purpose of this doctrine is easily grasped, acting on it can be far from easy. For the modifier ‘reasonably’ (in the locution ‘reasonably foreseeable’) is vague. Hence, it is open to a range of plausible interpretations and the point at which plausibility shades into implausibility is not easy to determine. 181 Judges who are presented with arguments falling just within or just outside this range certainly face acute interpretative difficulties.
These difficulties make it possible for claimants to advance duty of care-related arguments that gain force from hindsight. For judges cannot (as we have noted) state precisely where the bounds of reasonable foreseeability lie. Hence, they may decide to entertain arguments about which they harbour doubts. Moreover, they may find it hard to steel themselves against the temptations of hindsight (particularly where they are prone to sympathetic reactions of the sort described by Atiyah). One of the leading texts in the field throws light on the circumstances in which a judge might yield (more or less consciously) to the temptations of hindsight. Markesinis and Deakin states that ‘assess[ing] whether a risk is sufficiently substantial [to be classified as reasonably foreseeable] may involve measuring it against … the gravity of the resulting injury’. 182 On a doctrinal level, this passage is unimpeachable. For it identifies a way in which a judge might determine what was reasonably foreseeable at the time D acted. This is because ‘the gravity of the resulting injury’ often throws light on the reasonably foreseeable risk(s) associated with a defendant’s conduct. But can we assume that the ‘injury’ will elicit a dispassionate response from the judge who contemplates it? This may not be the case. For those who advance claims typically seek to weave the fact of injury into a tendentious, emotionally charged narrative running on the theme of injustice (perpetrated by D). 183 Set in this context, it is easy to see how a judge might abandon ‘strict theory’ and yield to the temptations of hindsight. 184
Our earlier discussion of small change tolerance slippery slopes is relevant to the sort of interpretative difficulty that we are considering. 185 In that discussion, we noted that legal norms are vague at the margins and that a zone exists within which they can be interpreted in a range of plausible ways. 186 Now, from one standpoint, when a judge specifies a new liability rule and identifies it as lying within this zone, his or her decision looks un-objectionable. For it can be described as the incremental elaboration of existing law. This being so, judges may be tempted to move down a small change tolerance slippery slope so as to avoid appearing petty. 187 However, development of the sort that we are contemplating might, in some cases, be characterised in much less appealing terms. This would be the case where the benefits of hindsight have prompted the judge to stake out a new doctrinal position. Moreover, the attractions of the sort of development that we are considering would be further reduced where claimants have consciously exploited negligence law’s vagueness in order to advance arguments that owe their force to hindsight.
At this point, it may be objected that judges are not in the habit of admitting that hindsight informs their decisions. This is true. But we should not forget Lord Templeman’s complaint that, with the adoption of the duty test in Anns, foreseeability became ‘a reflection of hindsight’. 188 This suggests that hindsight may drive at least some developments in negligence law. 189 And, to the extent that this is the case, the upshot is a compromised institution. For defendants are not being judged by reference to a doctrinal requirement that is supposed to ensure that they are treated justly. The same point has application in the area of causation, to which we now turn.
(ii) Sidestepping the requirement of causation
On a traditional view, defendants should only be held liable in negligence where they can be shown (on the balance of probabilities) to have caused the claimant’s injuries. 190 However, litigants who are unable to meet this requirement have, in some circumstances, sought and recovered compensation. This was true of the claimant in McGhee v National Coal Board. 191 Here, the claimant argued that he had contracted dermatitis as a result of the defendant’s failure to provide him with work-based shower facilities. This failure on the defendant’s part was a breach of duty. But the claimant could not establish (due to limited knowledge in the relevant field of medical science) that his condition arose from the defendant’s breach of duty. Nonetheless, the House of Lords departed from the traditional position (proof of causation on the balance of probabilities) and found for the claimant. Lord Wilberforce invoked a ‘principle’ that he described as ‘sound’ to justify this decision: 192 ‘where a person has, by breach of a duty of care, created a risk, and injury occurs within the area of that risk, the loss should be borne by him unless he shows that it had some other cause’. 193
Lord Wilberforce’s ‘principle’ may be considered ‘sound’ by those who regard a breach of duty and the indifference to the interests of another it betrays as the morally salient core of negligence law. 194 But this principle looks much less sound from a conventional doctrinal standpoint. For it supports a finding of liability where responsibility for the claimant’s injuries cannot be ascribed to the defendant. In light of these points, the claimant in McGhee might be said to have exhibited insensitivity to negligence law’s purposes when he made his claim. Moreover, where a judge accepts such a claim as a ground on which to impose liability, he or she might also be said to exhibit insensitivity to negligence law’s purposes.
Assuming that this point has force with respect to the House of Lords’ decision in McGhee, we might ponder this question: what purpose did Lord Wilberforce and his colleagues see negligence law as serving? One possibility is that they saw the defendant (a nationalised industry) as much better placed than the claimant to bear the cost of his injury. This is because the cost would ultimately be borne by taxpayers and those consuming the Coal Board’s products. On this view, the House was pursuing the goal of loss distribution. 195 Thus, their Lordships’ decision might be read as encoding the message that negligence law works (at least, on some occasions) to socialise losses rather than to right wrongs. However, this decision (and others like it) might also be read as indicating that causation is declining in importance as a concern relevant to negligence law’s operations. The readiness of counsel to invoke McGhee in the years immediately after the House’s decision suggests that this view has some plausibility. 196 To this we might add a broader point. In recent years, cases (eg Vellino) have come before the courts in which claimants appear untroubled by the thought that the causal claims they make are, at best, highly questionable and, in some cases, specious.
While some claimants have successfully sidestepped the long-established doctrinal requirement of causation, others have sought to reconfigure the requirement of ‘damage’ or ‘harm’.
(iii) Broadening the concept of harm
Throughout its history, the judges who have developed negligence law have exhibited a readiness to accept claims based on novel forms of harm. 197 But, in recent years, a number of commentators have argued that the judiciary are too ready to identify some forms of harm as actionable. One such commentator is Atiyah. As already noted, he criticises judges for having stretched negligence law so as to embrace a wider range of mental conditions. 198 On Atiyah’s analysis, this process of development has resulted in less-than-serious interferences providing an arguable basis on which to seek compensation. 199 Atiyah also argues that the developments he describes have made it increasingly easy for claimants to advance bogus actions. For ‘many of the symptoms of these psychiatric conditions appear to be subjective’. 200 Hence, ‘one is entitled to feel sceptical over the prevalence of those conditions among those who claim damages’. 201
While there is much in this argument that should concern us, we should nonetheless treat it with some caution. The concept of ‘harm’ (even on a non-normative account) is open to a range of plausible interpretations, 202 and these interpretations may reflect alterations in attitude among the law’s addressees and judges. This point is made by Weir who characterises harm as a ‘social construct’. 203 This being so, understandings of, among other things, mental harm (eg post-traumatic stress disorder) have been reshaped by developments in medical science. 204 Likewise, they may be influenced by bodies of legal doctrine, such as the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights (‘ECtHR’), which identifies, inter alia, anxiety, distress, frustration, feelings of helplessness and trauma as compensable harms. 205
However, while it is important to keep these points in mind, Atiyah’s analysis raises two issues of crucial importance. If negligence law becomes increasingly receptive to less significant forms of interference, the interests of claimants will (other things being equal) assume a privileged position relative to those of defendants. To put the same point another way, security will prevail over freedom of action in a zero-sum game. When this happens, negligence law’s informing commitment to distributive justice (a fair accommodation of interests) will be compromised.
The second issue of importance raised by Atiyah concerns bogus claims and is addressed in the following section.
(iv) Opportunistic behaviour on the part of claimants
How should we judge the conduct of those who seek compensation for setbacks that were not reasonably foreseeable, or not caused by the defendant, or not substantial forms of harm? In making a response to this question, we should resist the temptation to generalise. The law on reasonable foreseeability is, as we have noted, vague. Hence, reasonable people can disagree with one another, quite reasonably, on its outer limits. 206
Likewise, they can, in a wide range of circumstances, differ quite reasonably on questions of causation and harm. But where, for example, an argument concerning reasonable foreseeability falls outside the ‘zone’ of plausibility described by Volokh, we might conclude that the claimant has exhibited a limited grasp of negligence law’s doctrinal requirements and (possibly) of its informing purposes. Where a claimant is unable to advance a plausible argument concerning causation of substantial harm, we might conclude that she does not understand the significance of corrective justice in this area of the law. At claimants of this sort, we might hurl the accusation of ignorance.
However, in some cases, claimants of the sort that we are considering may be open to much more serious criticism. To mount a claim where there is little or no prospect of satisfying rudimentary requirements of liability suggests little interest in corrective justice. Neither does it show much concern for the defendant’s interests. Indeed, it might suggest a readiness, on the claimant’s part, to treat the defendant as nothing more than a means to an end – that end being cash. 207 We can characterise behaviour of this sort in a variety of ways. We might, for example, apply the adjective ‘opportunistic’ to it. This indicates a readiness on the claimant’s part to exploit the substantive uncertainties in and the unpredictable operations of negligence law in order to advance his or her interests at the expense of another. 208
However, if this description of the sort of claims that we are contemplating is broadly correct, it becomes possible to apply to (at least some of) those who advance them a much more censorious vocabulary. Relevant here is the suggestion, made earlier, that some claimants may see defendants as nothing more than a means to the end of cash. To treat others in this way is (to use the language of Kantian moral philosophy) to instrumentalise them. In other words, it is to strip them of their human status by treating them as a mere means or thing. 209 To act in this way is, on a Kantian view, to betray a lack of respect for another person. 210 Moreover, it is conduct that cannot be reconciled with Kant’s ultimate principle of morality. This is the categorical imperative, according to which we should never treat humanity simply as a means, but always at the same time as an end. 211 We might press this argument further by suggesting that willingness to ‘have a go’ bespeaks (in some cases, at least) the ‘excessive individualism’ about which Francis Fukuyama and others have, in recent years, complained. 212 For ‘having a go’ in the way contemplated here involves attaching more significance to one’s own interests than to those of defendants.
If correct, this analysis provides a basis on which to explain why Patrick Atiyah, the BRTF and others have drawn a distinction between genuine claims and those that are, inter alia, ‘unmeritorious’ or ‘unethical’. 213 Moreover, the analysis offered here affords a means by which to avoid a problem that may arise when terms like ‘unmeritorious’ are used. This problem is circularity, ie assuming the existence of a condition or state of affairs that we must (if our argument is to have force) show to exist. Unless we explain why a claim is ‘unmeritorious’, ‘unethical’ or less than genuine in some other sense, we run afoul of the problem of circularity when we use this sort of language. But by focusing on some rudimentary requirements of liability (having to do with reasonable foreseeability of injury, causation, and the nature of the harm suffered by the claimant), we can avoid this problem. For the claims of those who cannot argue plausibly in support of the conclusion that these requirements are met rapidly take on an unmeritorious (or, at least, weak) appearance. This being so, the argument advanced here lends force to the BRTF’s misgivings about those claimants who are ready to ‘have a go’. For readiness to ‘have a go’ suggests a lack of concern (on the part of at least some claimants) with the question (ethical as much as legal): ‘Does my argument appear to satisfy rudimentary requirements of liability?’
However, we should not let talk of ‘opportunism’ (or a readiness to ‘instrumentalise’ others) blind us to the possibility that some weak claims may be advanced in good faith and may serve the public interest. Where this happens, a claimant goes too far, by arguing for the specification of a liability rule outside the zone described by Volokh. But he or she is not a fit object for moral criticism. The case of Brooks v Commissioner of Police for the Metropolis will serve to illustrate these points. 214
(v) ‘Going too far’ 215
In Brooks v Commissioner of Police for the Metropolis, the claimant, Duwayne Brooks, and his friend, Stephen Lawrence, were set upon by a group of racists. Stephen Lawrence was, of course, the victim of a particularly notorious racist killing. The killing of Lawrence and the attack on Brooks were investigated by the defendant, whose officers, inter alia, interviewed the claimant. In the later Lawrence Inquiry, the Metropolitan Police Force’s treatment of Brooks attracted severe criticism. 216 Following this sequence of events, Brooks developed post-traumatic stress disorder and claimed in negligence against the defendant. Brooks argued that the defendant owed him a range of duties. Among these duties were the following three. First, to take reasonable steps to assess whether he was the victim of crime and to give him reasonably appropriate protection, assistance and treatment. 217 Secondly, to take reasonable steps to give him, inter alia, the protection and assistance commonly afforded to a key witness. 218 Thirdly, to give reasonable weight to his account of the incident and to act on it accordingly. 219
The claimant recognised that, in arguing for the imposition of these duties, he was calling for ‘a new development’ in the law. 220 At trial, his argument was unavailing: the claim was struck out. Brooks appealed. The Court of Appeal decided that his arguments concerning the three duties had some plausibility and declined to strike them out. Thereafter, the Commissioner of Police appealed to the House of Lords. The House decided that Brooks’ claim should be struck out. In his leading speech, Lord Steyn placed emphasis on a ‘principle’ set out by Lord Keith in Hill v Chief Constable of West Yorkshire. 221 This is that the police generally owe no duty of care to victims or witnesses when investigating suspected crimes. 222 Lord Steyn concluded that this principle was applicable in Brooks. He explained that the duties argued for were ‘inextricably bound up with the police function of investigating crime which is covered by the principle in Hill’s case’. 223 This being so, the House struck out Brooks’ claim. Nonetheless, Lord Steyn stated that ‘it is, of course, desirable that police officers should treat victims and witnesses properly and with respect’. 224 But he added that converting this ‘ethical value into general legal duties … would be going too far’. 225
In light of our earlier examination of Atiyah’s and Weir’s arguments against blame culture, we might offer a much less charitable response than Lord Steyn to Brooks’ claim. We might raise doubts about the gravity of the harm (post-traumatic stress disorder) suffered by the claimant. We might also raise doubts about the causal nexus that the claimant assumes to exist between his suffering and the activities of the defendant’s officers. This is because the men who killed Lawrence and attacked Brooks surely bear primary responsibility for the latter’s mental condition. 226 Moreover, Brooks’ duty of care–related arguments are loosely formulated. 227 Hence, we might see in them a calculated attempt to exploit negligence law’s linguistic frailties. 228 But we do not find the judges in Brooks arguing that this is a claim that betokens the existence of a blame culture. Rather, they treat the claim as an opportunity to explore the outer limits of police liability in negligence (and to describe ethically attractive modes of police behaviour). Thus, even while the claim was ultimately struck out, it served some useful purposes.
While it is thus possible to accommodate Brooks within the normative argument offered here, the fact remains that judges have, in recent years, expressed concerns over the (possible) emergence of a blame culture. Moreover, they have used, inter alia, substantive doctrine, policy-based arguments, and the striking out procedure to limit expansion in the law. 229 This effort to limit expansion cannot be explained by direct reference to judicial unease concerning the possible emergence of a blame culture. But it might be explained (at least, in part) by reference to an argument that has relevance to our topic. Benjamin Cardozo put forward this argument in the 1920s. It has to do with the pursuit of equilibrium in negligence law.
5 The pursuit of equilibrium in negligence law
Cardozo recognised that the ‘social implications’ of new doctrines are not always apparent to judges at the time they establish them. 230 Quite why this is so is a very large topic. But Cardozo offers at least part of the answer. He states that judgments concerning negligent conduct ‘yield quickly to the pressure of new facts’. 231 As a result, doctrine needs to be refined or perhaps even abrogated so as to achieve (or, more accurately, approximate) an ‘equilibration of social interests’. 232 By ‘equilibration of social interests’, Cardozo means an adjudicative process aimed at ensuring that the interests of all the law’s addressees are adequately accommodated. In other words, he is talking about judicial efforts to pursue the ideal of distributive justice in negligence law. 233
English negligence law will serve to illustrate the relevance of Cardozo’s argument to this discussion. For half a century after the enunciation of Lord Atkin’s Neighbour Principle, judges widened the range of circumstances in which negligence claims could be successfully advanced. 234 But, in the 1980s, retrenchment became the order of the day: judges were less willing to accept novel claims. 235 It was at this time that talk of blame culture (as we now know it) began to gain currency. Cardozo gives us tools with which to make sense of this development. We might see the judicial discourse of blame culture (eg the passage of Lord Templeman’s speech in CBS Songs referred to earlier) as flagging up a problem of disequilibrium in negligence law. Assuming that Cardozo’s argument concerning the pursuit of equilibrium has relevance in this country, it would not be surprising to find judges (after decades of doctrinal expansion) speaking as Lord Templeman did in CBS Songs. However, even if this analysis is broadly correct, it should be treated with some caution. Unease over the (perceived) problem of blame culture is surely very far from being the only reason for judicial reluctance to continue the process of doctrinal expansion that began in the 1930s. In the years immediately following Lord Templeman’s speech in CBS Songs, commentators identified a range of considerations as possibly having encouraged judges to limit the scope of negligence liability. They included a desire to restrict the range of duties borne by professionals and the Thatcher administration’s wish to draw back the ‘frontiers of the state’. 236
What significance should we then attach to judicial statements concerning blame culture? Well, they make critical, if sometimes rather oblique, reference to a number of more or less obvious considerations that may prompt judges (and perhaps even the legislature) to reconfigure negligence law. Among the more obvious considerations are doctrinal developments (the duty test in Anns most obviously) that are either actual or possible engines of disequilibrium. Another obvious target for criticism is the unattractive practical disposition exhibited by those claimants who are ready to bring opportunistic claims. Moreover, on the analysis set out earlier, judicial talk of blame culture refers to a less obvious concern. This is that negligence law is in, or may be sliding into, a distributively unjust state.
6 Conclusions
Two decades ago, judges and commentators contemplated the possibility of a blame culture emerging. Matters are now different. Judges and others assume that blame culture is a live problem. But we cannot be sure that this problem actually exists because the relevant data are equivocal. While we cannot draw firm conclusions from these data, we can, at least, address the question as to why the behaviour and attitudes associated with blame culture are objectionable to judges and others. By doing this, we will, on the analysis offered here, be able to set out a normative argument against at least some types of behaviour associated with blame culture. 237
To this end, we must ponder the purposes of negligence law. Negligence law is centrally concerned with the pursuit of corrective justice. But this, as we have noted, is very far from being the whole story. The trial process in which a negligence claim is advanced is also a discovery procedure, ie a means by which to identify and address the practical problems created by particular forms of risk-creating activity. In order for this discovery procedure to operate effectively, novel claims must be brought into the courts. But along with the readiness to entertain novel claims comes the danger of blame culture. For claimants may seek to secure compensation in circumstances where they cannot, inter alia, meet the requirements of reasonable foreseeability, causation or significant harm. In entertaining claims of this sort, we court the danger that compensation may be paid in circumstances where the defendant is not a wrongdoer. 238 Where this happens, the integrity of negligence law (an institution centrally concerned with the pursuit of corrective justice) will be undermined. 239 This is because a wrong will not have been righted. Moreover, where claims of the sort we are contemplating succeed, the pursuit of equilibrium (a fair accommodation of interests or distributive justice) is compromised. For, to the extent that doctrinal requirements like reasonable foreseeability of harm are weakened (or stretched), the law will (other things being equal) be skewed in favour of claimants. To these obvious problems, we may add another that is less obvious. The results yielded by the discovery procedure described earlier will not be particularly edifying. One commentator in the USA has at least gestured in the direction of this point by associating blame culture with a widespread readiness to make ‘junk claims’. 240
In light of these points, negligence law’s addressees clearly play a crucial role in sustaining it as a practically useful institution. The most obvious way in which to do this is to resist the temptation to bring opportunistic claims. 241 This is a rather naïve-sounding observation that will doubtless make many of those familiar with the grubby reality of negligence law wince. But negligence law gives expression to the life of a community composed of the law’s addressees. 242 These addressees can only play their part in the life of this community by acting in ways that serve to sustain negligence law as a co-operative and mutually beneficial institution. 243 At a general level, this involves recognising that the right to advance a compensation claim should be set against the responsibility to sustain an institution that serves the interests of all the law’s addressees. 244 To this general point, a more particular one may be added. The practice of advancing opportunistic claims may work to shrink the ‘radius of trust’ in the community made up of the law’s addressees. 245 For judges (such as Lord Templeman) may (other things being equal) grow less ready to entertain novel claims. And this, as already noted, may reduce negligence law’s effectiveness as a discovery procedure. Judges who contemplate acting in this way face very difficult decisions. Consider claims arising from the provision of medical care. The desire to discourage unjustified blame provides an intelligible reason for judicial action. But judges must set against this the consideration that the public interest is served by closely monitoring the risks associated with the delivery of medical services. 246
Before closing, it must be conceded that real difficulties arise in seeking to determine the point at which a novel claim begins to exhibit the features that would make it opportunistic. Some claims sit in a murky middle ground between actions that are obviously opportunistic and those that are grist to the mill of negligence law as a discovery procedure. Brooks is such a case. The claimant ‘went too far’. But, as a result of doing so, judges were able to explore the outer limits of legal liability and identify some ethically attractive modes of police behaviour. Given the existence of the middle ground in which Brooks found himself situated, judges should perhaps err on the side of generosity when responding to such a claim. For not to do so may be to undermine negligence law’s effectiveness as a discovery procedure. Moreover, the history of negligence law reveals a judicial commitment to just this sort of generosity. This commitment finds expression in Lord Macmillan’s declaration that ‘the categories of negligence are never closed’. 247 Likewise, it finds expression in Lord Wilberforce’s speech in Anns which pointed up the law’s receptivity to novel actions. 248 Moreover, the reluctance of judges to strike out claims bespeaks the same commitment. 249 But this sort of generosity is fraught with danger. The upshot may be movement down the slippery slopes described by Volokh. Assuming that the danger of such movement is real, then the equilibrating role of the judge (as described by Cardozo) is of great importance. For he or she must seek to forestall the danger of imbalance (arising from movement down the slippery slopes that we have examined). Likewise, he or she must address the problems to which such movement gives rise. The analysis offered here would seem to suggest that this is what Lord Templeman was urging his fellow judges to do in CBS Songs. Assuming that this was indeed the case, he sparked a debate, in the courts and beyond, that has spanned the years of Professional Negligence’s existence. That debate will doubtless continue. For equilibrium is an ideal that those who fashion the law (be they judges or Parliamentarians) can hope only to approximate.
Richard Mullender 1
Footnotes
- 1
While this article focuses on ‘blame culture’ in a particular legal context (negligence law), this is a topic that is seen as relevant to other areas of the law, eg human rights law. On blame culture and human rights, see Furedi F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies. 1999) at pp 21–22, arguing that the Human Rights Act 1998 can be expected to encourage ‘a vast increase in … litigation’, and, at p ii, that a ‘culture of litigation’ has issued in, inter alia, increased conflict and diminished quality of life.
- 2
[1983] 1 AC 410 at 421, where Lord Wilberforce also contemplated the possibility that a finding for the claimant may lead to ‘the establishment of an industry of lawyers and psychiatrists who will formulate … claim[s] for nervous shock’. Cf the examination of the House of Lords’ decision in McLoughlin in Dworkin R., Law’s Empire (London: Fontana, 1986) at pp 238–250, 258–259, 268–271. Dworkin canvasses a wide variety of judicial responses to the plaintiff’s claim, including that of a pragmatic judge attuned to the practical effects of liability rules. But he does not consider the issue of blame culture.
- 3
See eg Mason J. K., and McCall Smith R. A., Law and Medical Ethics (London: Butterworths. 1987) at p 160. On the US medical malpractice crisis of the 1970s and 1980s, see Fleming J., The American Tort Process (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988) at pp 16–18.
- 4
On ‘blame culture’, see eg Atiyah P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997) at pp 47–50, 138–143; and on ‘compensation culture’, see Arculus D., et al, ‘Better Routes to Redress’ (London: Better Regulation Task Force, 2004). Conduct of the sort with which blame culture is most closely associated has attracted critical comment in this country for many decades. For example, ‘ambulance chasers’ attracted unfavourable comment in The Guardian as long ago as March 1961, commenting on ‘unscrupulous lawyers who collected details of casualties as they were taken to hospital in order to persuade the person[s] concerned to bring action[s] for damages’. See The Oxford Dictionary Online, www.oed.com/ , where the compound noun ‘ambulance chaser’ is traced back to New York City in the late 19th Century.
- 5
Stanton, K M, ‘The Decline of Tort Liability for Professional Negligence’ (1991) 44 CLP 83 at 84. While Stanton did not mention blame culture, he described attitudes among some of negligence law’s addressees that are associated with it. See eg p 102, noting that: ‘Clients are increasingly seeing the acquisition of professional services as providing a guarantee against untoward consequences resulting from the work.’
- 6
Arthur J S Hall & Co v Simons [2002] 1 AC 615.
- 7
Chester v Afshar [2004] UKHL 41; [2005] 1 AC 134.
- 8
Powell J. L., and Stewart R., Jackson & Powell on Professional Negligence (5th edn, London: Sweet and Maxwell, 2002) at p 3 and ch 17.
- 9
Some of the issues relevant to the question raised in the text are examined in Posner, R A, ‘Explaining The Variance In The Number Of Tort Suits Across U.S. States And Between The United States And England’ (1997) 26 J of Leg Stud 477.
- 10
Blair, A, ‘Common Sense Culture Not Compensation Culture’, speech delivered at University College London, 26 May 2005.
- 11
Part 1 of the Compensation Bill focuses on negligence law and states that judges ‘may’ consider whether the imposition of liability will, inter alia, ‘prevent a desirable activity from being undertaken’ (clause 1). Part 2 of the Bill deals with the regulation of claims management services. The Compensation Bill has won the support of the Conservative Party – see ‘Strike a New Balance on Compensation Culture’, www.conservatives.com/tile.do?def=news.story.page&obj_id=126082 . Likewise, the Liberal Democratic Party has welcomed the publication of the Compensation Bill – see ‘Compensation Bill Modest But Welcome’, www.libdems.og.uk/news/compensation-bill-modest-but-welcome-heath.html .
- 12
Furedi F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1999) lends support to the view that the evidence on blame culture is equivocal. But not all commentators agree with this view: see eg Arculus, D, et al, ‘Better Routes to Redress’ (London: Better Regulation Task Force, 2004), where compensation culture is described as a ‘damaging myth’.
- 13
See Atiyah P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997) at p 143, on justified blame.
- 14
[1988] AC 1013.
- 15
[1978] AC 728 at 751–752.
- 16
The ‘retreat’ from Anns spanned the first six years of Professional Negligence’s existence. It is typically identified as having begun with the House of Lords’ decision in Peabody Donation Fund (Governors) v Sir Lindsay Parkinson & Co Ltd [1984] AC 210. It culminated in the House’s decision in Murphy v Brentwood District Council [1991] 1 AC 398, in which Anns’ ratio was disapproved and Lord Wilberforce’s approach to duty questions was repudiated. This is the ‘retreat’ that prompted Stanton to offer the analysis of professional liability noted earlier. See note 5 above (and associated text).
- 17
[1988] AC 1013 at 1059.
- 18
[1978] AC 728 at 751.
- 19
See Mullender, R, ‘ Prima Facie Rights, Rationality and the Law of Negligence’, ch 6 in M. Kramer (ed) Rights, Wrongs and Responsibilities (New York: Palgrave, 2001) at p 179.
- 20
Ibid M. Kramer (ed) Rights, Wrongs and Responsibilities (New York: Palgrave, 2001).
- 21
[1988] AC 1013 at 1059.
- 22
Ibid AC 1013 at 1059 at 1059 (emphasis added).
- 23
Lord Templeman’s comments on hindsight and the assumption that claimants ‘must’ be able to recover compensation from ‘someone’ are more emphatic than his (earlier) use of the locution ‘on the jar’. Thus his speech is not free from tension on the subject of blame culture as an actually-existing problem. But this is hardly surprising, for he was seeking to describe a developing state of affairs.
- 24
[1996] 4 All ER 318.
- 25
Ibid 4 All ER 318 at 322.
- 26
Ibid 4 All ER 318 (emphasis added).
- 27
Ibid 4 All ER 318 (emphasis added).
- 28
Ibid 4 All ER 318. The same point had been made by a legal academic two years earlier. See Stapleton J., ‘In Restraint of Tort’, in P. Birks (ed) The Frontiers of Liability (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994) at pp 83–84. Writing a decade after Stapleton, the Better Regulation Task Force identifies the same development as having taken place over the last ‘20 or 30 years’. See Arculus D., et al, ‘Better Routes to Redress’ (London: Better Regulation Task Force, 2004) at p 14.
- 29
- 30
Ibid EWCA Civ 7 at [36].
- 31
Ibid EWCA Civ 7 at [16]–[19], [30].
- 32
[2000] 3 WLR 776.
- 33
Ibid 3 WLR 776 at 792.
- 34
Ibid 3 WLR 776. More recently, Lord Steyn has stated that ‘the courts must not contribute to the creation of a society bent on litigation, which is premised on the illusion that for every misfortune there is a remedy’. See Gorringe v Calderdale Metropolitan Borough Council [2004] UKHL 15; [2004] 1 WLR 1057 at [2].
- 35
[2001] EWCA Civ 1249; [2002] 1 WLR 218.
- 36
Ibid EWCA Civ 1249 at [19].
- 37
Ibid EWCA Civ 1249.
- 38
Ibid EWCA Civ 1249 at [55].
- 39
[2003] UKHL 47; [2004] 1 AC 46.
- 40
Hence, he had (at that time) been owed the common duty of care set out in s 2(2) of the Occupiers’ Liability Act 1957.
- 41
Since the claimant had ignored the warning notices, he was categorised as a trespasser. Hence, the defendants owed him the modest duty of care specified by s 1(4) of the Occupiers’ Liability Act 1984.
- 42
[2004] 1 AC 46 at [8] of the Court of Appeal’s decision.
- 43
Ibid 1 AC 46 at [8] of the Court of Appeal’s decision at [32].
- 44
Ibid 1 AC 46 at [8] of the Court of Appeal’s decision.
- 45
Ibid 1 AC 46 at [8] of the Court of Appeal’s decision at [45]. While he does not do so in Tomlinson, Sedley LJ might have set out an analysis bearing obvious similarities to the one he advanced in Vellino. For a leisure officer in the employ of the defendant Council stated, prior to the injuries suffered by the claimant, that the provision of ‘a facility that is open to the public and which contains beach and water areas is … an open invitation and temptation to swim and engage in other water’s edge activities’. On Sedley LJ’s analysis in Vellino, see note 38 above (and associated text).
- 46
Ibid 1 AC 46 at [8] of the Court of Appeal’s decision at [47].
- 47
Ibid 1 AC 46 at [8] of the Court of Appeal’s decision at [46].
- 48
Ibid 1 AC 46 at [8] of the Court of Appeal’s decision at [40].
- 49
Ibid 1 AC 46 at [8] of the Court of Appeal’s decision at [41]–[43]. Plainly, Lord Hoffmann was alive to the issue addressed by clause 1 of the Compensation Bill: the danger that desirable activities may not be undertaken as a result of the imposition of a liability rule. On the Compensation Bill, see note 11 above.
- 50
Ibid 1 AC 46 at [8] of the Court of Appeal’s decision at [46].
- 51
Ibid 1 AC 46 at [8] of the Court of Appeal’s decision. See also at [81], per Lord Hobhouse, concluding that ‘[t]he pursuit of an unrestrained culture of blame and compensation has many evil consequences and one is certainly the interference with the liberty of the citizen’.
- 52
Ibid 1 AC 46 at [8] of the Court of Appeal’s decision at [42]–[43], per Lord Hoffmann.
- 53
Weir, J A, ‘Governmental Liability’ [1989] Public Law 40 at 51.
- 54
Ibid Governmental Liability at 55.
- 55
Weir J. A., Tort Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002) at p 132, discussing Revill v Newbury [1996] 1 All ER 291.
- 56
Weir J. A., ‘Governmental Liability’ [1989] Public Law 40 at 55, where the author also complains about ‘the appeals of the modern ambulance-chaser whipping in business under the guise of vindicating rights and meeting unmet need’.
- 57
Weir J. A., Tort Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002) at p 3.
- 58
Ibid Weir, J. A., Tort Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002) (emphasis added)
- 59
Ibid Weir, J. A., Tort Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002).
- 60
Atiyah P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997), chs 2, 3.
- 61
[1970] AC 1004.
- 62
[1995] 3 All ER 87.
- 63
The deceased airman was held to have been contributorily negligent. Hence, the damages awarded to his widow were reduced by two-thirds.
- 64
Atiyah P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997) at p 40.
- 65
Ibid Atiyah, P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997) at p 41.
- 66
Ibid Atiyah, P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997) at pp 56–62 (on mental injury) and pp 62–65 (on pure economic loss).
- 67
Ibid Atiyah, P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997) at pp 74–78 (on the liability of employers) and pp 78–89 (on the liability of public bodies). See also p 139, arguing that ‘[g]overnments are particularly vulnerable to litigation when the “blame culture” gets out of hand’.
- 68
Ibid Atiyah, P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997) at p 45 et seq.
- 69
[1973] 1 WLR 1.
- 70
See Weir J. A., Tort Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002) at p 69, where McGhee is described as ‘plaintiffs’ law’.
- 71
Atiyah P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997) at pp 36–37. In an earlier essay (on tort law in the USA), Atiyah associated judicial sympathy with the adoption of a ‘social insurance principle’ according to which (and, here, Atiyah plainly exaggerates) ‘the plaintiff should always win’. See Atiyah, P S, ‘American Tort Law in Crisis’ (1987) 7 OJLS 279 at 287–290.
- 72
Atiyah (1997), Ibid Atiyah, P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997), at p 37. A more measured variation on the theme pursued by Atiyah is offered in a report on public liability insurance in Australia. See Trowbridge Consulting Ltd, Public Liability Insurance: Practical Proposals for Reform (Commonwealth Treasury, 2002), www.treasury.gov.au/documents/314/PDF/plr.pdf (‘the Trowbridge Report’), at p iv, stating that ‘the evidence indicates a gradual “shift” or “stretching” of the interpretation of negligence over several decades so that there are cases succeeding today that would not have succeeded at times in the past’. See also pp 26–27, noting a ‘mismatch’ between ‘the current state of negligence law’ and ‘the expectations of the community’ concerning the range of circumstances in which fault-based liability can properly be imposed,. On this latter point, the Trowbridge Report again pursues a theme advanced by Atiyah: the failure of judges to elaborate negligence law in ways that reflect ‘normal ideas of justice’. See note 64 above (and associated text).
- 73
Atiyah (1997), Ibid Atiyah, P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997), at p 36.
- 74
Volokh, E, ‘The Mechanisms of the Slippery Slope’ (2003) 116 Harv Law Rev 1026.
- 75
Ibid The Mechanisms of the Slippery Slope at 1029.
- 76
Ibid The Mechanisms of the Slippery Slope at 1031 et seq.
- 77
Ibid The Mechanisms of the Slippery Slope at 1077 et seq (on attitude altering slippery slopes) and 1105 et seq (on small-change tolerance slippery slopes).
- 78
Ibid The Mechanisms of the Slippery Slope at 1077 et seq.
- 79
Ibid The Mechanisms of the Slippery Slope at 1078, quoting from Cohen, M R, ‘The Basis of Contract’ (1933) 46 Harv Law Rev 553 at 582.
- 80
Ibid The Mechanisms of the Slippery Slope at 1097.
- 81
Ibid The Mechanisms of the Slippery Slope at 1105.
- 82
Ibid The Mechanisms of the Slippery Slope at 1107.
- 83
Ibid The Mechanisms of the Slippery Slope at 1112. In his invocation of a ‘zone’ within which plausible interpretations may be advanced, Volokh traverses ground covered in Hart H. L. A., The Concept of Law (2nd edn, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994) at p 123, arguing that legal rules exhibit a ‘core of certainty’ and a ‘penumbra of doubt’ or ‘fringe of vagueness’. See also Cardozo B. N., The Nature of the Judicial Process (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1921) at p 130, on ‘the penumbra, where controversy begins’.
- 84
[1978] AC 728 at 751–752, per Lord Wilberforce.
- 85
Ibid AC 728 at 751–752 at 751.
- 86
Volokh’s claims concerning the likely impact of simple messages are supported by the analysis (and empirical evidence) in Gladwell M., The Tipping Point: How Little Things Can Make a Big Difference (London: Abacus, 2002) at pp 19, 91, arguing that the less cluttered (or simple) a ‘message’ is, the more likely it is to be ‘memorable’ and to encourage (sometimes very rapid) processes of change.
- 87
An example of the sort of incremental development mentioned in the text is the extension of the principle in Hedley Byrne & Co v Heller & Partners [1964] AC 465 (establishing liability for negligent misstatements) to business contexts other than those where the defendant provides advice and information on a professional basis. Elaboration of the Hedley Byrne principle has not, however, always proceeded in the measured way described in the text. See eg, Chaudhry v Prabhakar [1989] 1 WLR 29, applying Hedley Byrne to advice given by a non-professional in a non-business context.
- 88
Moorgate Mercantile Co Ltd v Twitchings [1976] 2 All ER 641 at 659.
- 89
Furedi F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies. 1999) at p 1, on the ‘culture of compensation’; and Furedi F., The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002 (revd edn)) at p 95, on the ‘culture of complaint’. The phrase ‘culture of complaint’ is also used in Hughes R., Culture of Complaint: The Fraying of America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993). See p 2 where Hughes (quoting from W H Auden, For The Time Being (1944)) associates the culture of complaint with a shift from ‘justice’ to ‘pity’ as ‘the cardinal human value’. Rougier J’s judgment in John Munroe lends some support to Hughes’ suggestion. The judge describes ‘the cupped palms’ being ‘outstretched for the solace of monetary compensation’ after ‘every mishap’. See notes 24–28 above (and associated text). Common to Rougier J and Auden seems to be an emphasis on pity as an unattractive basis on which to organise practical life. This being so, they might be regarded as pursuing a theme that bears similarities to the critique of Christian morality in Nietzsche F., The Birth of Tragedy and The Genealogy of Morality (New York: Doubleday, 1956), VI. While the point cannot be pursued in detail here, we might see the modern law of negligence (as developed from Donoghue v Stevenson [1932] AC 562 onwards) as informed by Christian morality. See Lunney M., and Oliphant K., Tort Law: Text and Materials (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002) at p 100, discussing the Christian assumptions that shaped Lord Atkin’s thought at the time he enunciated the Neighbour Principle.
- 90
Furedi (2002), Ibid Furedi, F., The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002), at pp 95–103.
- 91
Ibid Furedi, F., The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002) at p 113. See also Giddens A., The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998) at p 62, noting the ‘new prominence’ given to risk.
- 92
Furedi (2002), Ibid Furedi, F., The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002), at p 61. See also Giddens A., Beyond Left and Right: the Future of Radical Politics (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1994) at pp 4, 10.
- 93
Furedi (2002), Ibid Furedi, F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies. 1999), at p 114.
- 94
Ibid Furedi, F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies. 1999) at p 100.
- 95
Ibid Furedi, F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies. 1999) at p 1, on safety as ‘the fundamental value of our times’, and p 98, arguing that ‘it was only in the 1960s that victimhood came to acquire the character of a permanent identity’. See also Atiyah P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997) at p 140, arguing that blame culture ‘appears closely related to much of the ideology and the culture that dominated the country in the 1960s and 1970s’.
- 96
Furedi (2002), Ibid Furedi, F., The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002), at p 150. See also Fulbrook J., Outdoor Activities, Negligence and the Law (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005) at p 157, noting that the practice of ‘risk assessment’ became more widespread after the enactment of the Health and Safety at Work Act 1974.
- 97
Furedi (2002), Ibid Furedi, F., The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002), at p 8.
- 98
Blair, A, ‘Common Sense Culture Not Compensation Culture’, speech delivered at University College London, 26 May 2005. While the message noted in the text has gained currency, the ‘prestige and authority’ of professionals has (on Furedi’s account) declined. See Furedi (2002), Ibid Furedi, F., The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002), at p 130. This development, in combination with the one noted in the text, may go some significant way towards explaining unease concerning blame culture among professional service providers.
- 99
Shklar J. N., The Faces of Injustice (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), ch 2. See also Nagel, T, ‘Justice and Nature’ (1998) 17 OJLS 303 at 314–315, recognising that ‘the writ of justice’ grows as the human capacity to anticipate and counter risks increases.
- 100
Shklar (1990), Ibid Shklar, J. N., The Faces of Injustice (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), at pp 1–4, 55–56, 64–67.
- 101
Ibid Shklar, J. N., The Faces of Injustice (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990) at p 56, arguing that ‘our dreams of mastery’ encourage us to view an ever-narrowing range of circumstances as ‘misfortunes’. See also p 55, arguing that ‘our fantasies of omnipotence and total safety’ may encourage us to regard genuine misfortunes as injustices.
- 102
Furedi F., The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002 (revd edn)) at pp 7–8. Cf Shklar (1990), Ibid Shklar, J. N., The Faces of Injustice (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), at pp 2–5, 54–65, arguing that the impulse to blame others for the setbacks we suffer is a psychological necessity that, on some occasions, issues in injustice.
- 103
Furedi (2002), Ibid Furedi, F., The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002), at pp 100–102.
- 104
Ibid Furedi, F., The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002) at p 100.
- 105
Ibid Furedi, F., The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002).
- 106
Ibid Furedi, F., The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002) at p 8.
- 107
Ibid Furedi, F., The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002) at pp xvi, 167. See also Giddens A., The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998) at p 63, noting that risk is both ‘a negative phenomenon’ and ‘the energising principle of a society’.
- 108
Furedi F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies. 1999) at p 1, discussing, inter alia, claims against public bodies.
- 109
Furedi F., The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002 (revd edn)) at p 11. The unflattering view of legal practitioners offered by Furedi is nothing new. In the 1790s, Edmund Burke identified them as often having ‘unquiet minds’ and ‘litigious dispositions’. See Burke E., Reflections on the Revolution in France (London: Penguin, 1968) at p 43.
- 110
Furedi (2002), Ibid Furedi, F., The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002), at p 11.
- 111
Furedi F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1999) at p 19.
- 112
Ibid Furedi, F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1999) at pp 19–20. Since 1995, conditional fee agreements have had legal force by operation of the Courts and Legal Services Act 1990.
- 113
Ibid Furedi, F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1999) at p 19. See also Olson W., The Litigation Explosion: What Happened When America Unleashed the Lawsuit (New York: Truman Talley Books, 1991) at p 16, noting that ‘[f]or a long time in America, down through the 1970s, it was thought that lawyers should not drum up their own business’, and at p 17, describing criminal prohibitions on ‘ambulance chasing’ in New York in the 1950s.
- 114
The point made in the text applies to Furedi F. Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1999). Chapter 8 of this text is dedicated to empirical data bearing on the issue of blame culture.
- 115
Ibid Furedi, F. Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1999) at pp i–ii.
- 116
The views of the commentators discussed in this section seem worthy of examination since the positions that they stake out reflect and/or instantiate cultural shifts that members of the judiciary and the Blair administration have concluded merit an authoritative response (critical comments in the case of judges and the Compensation Bill in the case of the Blair administration).
- 117
Humphrys J., Devil’s Advocate (London: Hutchinson, 1999), ch 1: ‘The Victim Culture’.
- 118
Ibid Humphrys, J., Devil’s Advocate (London: Hutchinson, 1999) at p 5.
- 119
Ibid Humphrys, J., Devil’s Advocate (London: Hutchinson, 1999) at pp 5–6.
- 120
Ibid Humphrys, J., Devil’s Advocate (London: Hutchinson, 1999) at p 6.
- 121
Ibid Humphrys, J., Devil’s Advocate (London: Hutchinson, 1999). See also White v Chief Constable of the South Yorkshire Police [1999] 2 AC 455.
- 122
In support of this conclusion, Humphrys discusses compensation claims mounted by, among others, police officers who worked in the aftermath of the Dunblane shootings, a paramedic who tended road accident victims in the course of his work, and soldiers who had witnessed atrocities in Bosnia. Weir also identifies a less stoical practical orientation as a feature of blame culture. See Weir, notes 53–56, above (and associated text). See also Scruton R., England: An Elegy (London: Pimlico, 2001) at p 245, arguing (without reference to supporting data) that the English virtue of stoicism is ‘rapidly disappearing’, with the result that those who suffer ‘misfortune’ are readier than in the past ‘to look around for someone to sue’. Cf Arculus D., et al, ‘Better Routes to Redress’ (London: Better Regulation Task Force, 2004) at p 37, stating that those upon whom harm has been wrongfully inflicted should not ‘put up’ with the situation in which they find themselves and should assert their rights.
- 123
On ‘memetic evolution’, see Balkin J. M., Cultural Software: A Theory of Ideology (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998) at p 43 defining a ‘meme’ as a unit of cultural transmission and noting that ‘[m]emes are spread from person to person by observation and social learning’. The concept of a meme was originally introduced in Dawkins R., The Selfish Gene (new edn, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989 (new edn)), ch 11.
- 124
124F
- 125
125H
- 126
Ibid Hattersley, R., ‘Conkers Bonkers’, Daily Mail, 4 October 2002,.
- 127
Ibid Hattersley, R., ‘Conkers Bonkers’, Daily Mail, 4 October 2002,.
- 128
Ibid Hattersley, R., ‘Conkers Bonkers’, Daily Mail, 4 October 2002,.
- 129
The Times, 27 September 2002, p 22 (Features).
- 130
130W
- 131
Ibid Wintour, P., ‘Blair hits out over “absurd” EU rules’, The Guardian, 27 May 2005.
- 132
Arculus D., et al, ‘Better Routes to Redress’ (London: Better Regulation Task Force, 2004) at pp 5, 11, 17, discussing, inter alia, coverage in the Daily Mail, the Financial Times, and The Daily Telegraph. While Arculus, et al, confine their comments to national newspapers, they might have noted that a number of highly successful television series have encouraged the view that some lawyers are incorrigible ambulance-chasers. This is true, for example, of The Simpsons, where one (fictive) lawyer (Lionel Hutz) regularly encourages his clients to sue by offering counsel of the following sort: ‘[Y]ou can ching-ching-ching cash in on this tragedy’. See Richmond R., and Coffman A., The Simpsons: A Complete Guide to Our Favourite Family (London: Harper/Collins, 1997) at p 44.
- 133
133F
- 134
Ibid Furedi, F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1999).
- 135
Ibid Furedi, F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1999).
- 136
Lord Chancellor’s Department, Annual Reports 1988–1996 (HMSO), Judicial Statistics. For more recent data, see note 154 below (and associated text).
- 137
137F
- 138
Ibid Furedi, F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1999).
- 139
Ibid Furedi, F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1999) at p ii.
- 140
Ibid Furedi, F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1999) at p 27.
- 141
Ibid Furedi, F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1999).
- 142
Ibid Furedi, F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1999) at p 26. Legal aid for most forms of personal injury claim was abolished by the Access to Justice Act 1999.
- 143
143A
- 144
Ibid Arculus, D., et al, ‘Better Routes to Redress’ (London: Better Regulation Task Force, 2004).
- 145
Ibid Arculus, D., et al, ‘Better Routes to Redress’ (London: Better Regulation Task Force, 2004).
- 146
Ibid Arculus, D., et al, ‘Better Routes to Redress’ (London: Better Regulation Task Force, 2004).
- 147
See Furedi F., Courting Mistrust: The Hidden Growth of a Culture of Litigation in Britain (London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1999) at p 28.
- 148
See Esler G., The United States of Anger: The People and the American Dream (London: Michael Joseph, 1997) at p 92. See also ch 5 on ‘the rise of the culture of victims’. The problem noted in the text may be self-reinforcing, since where legal practitioners succeed in generating significant incomes, others may be prompted to (seek to) follow their lead. See also Olson W., The Litigation Explosion: What Happened When America Unleashed the Lawsuit (New York: Truman Talley Books, 1991) at p 10, noting that ‘[p]ots of money have a way of attracting young talent’.
- 149
Kritzer, H M, ‘Political Culture and the Propensity to Sue’ (1988) (Working Paper, Disputes Processing Research Program, University of Wisconsin School of Law) at pp 6–7, drawing on figures set out in Atiyah, P S, ‘Tort law and the Alternatives: Some Anglo-American Comparisons’ (1987) 36 Duke LJ 1002 at 1004–1010, and in Harris D., et al, Compensation and Support for Illness and Injury (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984) at p 51.
- 150
Ibid Harris, D., et al, Compensation and Support for Illness and Injury (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984).
- 151
Posner, R A, ‘Explaining the Variance in the Number of Tort Suits Across US States and Between the United States and England’ (1997) 26 J of Leg Stud 477–488.
- 152
Arculus D., et al, ‘Better Routes to Redress’ (London: Better Regulation Task Force, 2004).
- 153
Ibid Arculus, D., et al, ‘Better Routes to Redress’ (London: Better Regulation Task Force, 2004), section 3.
- 154
Ibid Arculus, D., et al, ‘Better Routes to Redress’ (London: Better Regulation Task Force, 2004).
- 155
Ibid Arculus, D., et al, ‘Better Routes to Redress’ (London: Better Regulation Task Force, 2004). Other evidence can be adduced to support the BRTF’s claim that the widespread perception of a blame culture does not map onto reality. For example, the number of claims for compensation where a person had tripped over a pavement in Liverpool was reported in 2004 to have declined by 70 per cent in two years. See Carter, H, ‘Crackdown cuts tripping claims’, The Guardian, 2 December 2004, p 10.
- 156
156A
- 157
Ibid Arculus, D., et al, ‘Better Routes to Redress’ (London: Better Regulation Task Force, 2004), sections 3 and 4, where the notion of a ‘genuine’ claim is introduced. On unmeritorious and unethical claims, see pp 12 and 19. See also Carter, H, ‘Crackdown cuts tripping claims’, The Guardian, 2 December 2004, noting that ‘[t]he fall in claims [in Liverpool for pavement-related injuries] may have coincided with the demise of the Accident Group’.
- 158
See Williams, K, ‘State of Fear: Britain’s “Compensation Culture” Reviewed’ (2005) 25 Legal Studies 499 at 508, concluding that ‘[t]he idea that defendants are beset by ever-increasing numbers of doubtful claims is not proven’.
- 159
While the point cannot be pursued here, the (perceived) problem of blame culture is also affecting the behaviour of potential defendants. See Fulbrook J., Outdoor Activities, Negligence and the Law (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005) at p 12, noting that Chris Keates, the General Secretary of the NASUWT has identified parents as ‘increasingly litigious’ and, hence, has advised her members to ‘think carefully’ before taking their pupils on school trips.
- 160
Posner, R A, ‘Explaining the Variance in the Number of Tort Suits Across US States and Between the United States and England’ (1997) 26 J of Leg Stud 477 at 480–481, arguing that readiness to mount compensation claims in tort increases as the rate of urbanisation, population density, and years of education increase.
- 161
The question posed in the text merits close examination since (the nature of) blame culture (or ‘compensation culture’) is a subject that has received ‘very little analysis’. See Office of Fair Trading, An Analysis of Current Problems in the UK Liability Insurance Market (Office of Fair Trading, 2003), 10.4.
- 162
Lunney M., and Oliphant K., Tort Law: Text and Materials (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002) at pp 16–18 discussing, inter alia, the Royal Commission on Civil Liability and Compensation for Personal Injury (1978, Cmnd 7054) (‘Pearson Report’).
- 163
163H
- 164
Ibid Hart, H. L. A., The Concept of Law (2nd edn, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994) at p 132. See also Mullender, R, ‘The Reasonable Person, The Pursuit of Justice, and Negligence Law’ (2005) 68 MLR 681 at 689.
- 165
[2003] UKHL 47; [2004] 1 AC 46.
- 166
Ibid UKHL 47 at [17]–[24].
- 167
Ibid UKHL 47 at [22]. See also [24], where Lord Hoffmann noted that the Borough Council found this proposal persuasive and allocated a modest sum (£5,000) so that it could be carried into effect. At the time the claimant suffered injury the relevant work had not been carried out.
- 168
[2001] QB 1134.
- 169
Ibid QB 1134 at 1140–1141, per Lord Phillips MR.
- 170
Ibid QB 1134 at 1172–1173, per Lord Phillips MR.
- 171
Ibid QB 1134 at 1170, per Lord Phillips MR.
- 172
Ibid QB 1134, per Lord Phillips MR.
- 173
Ibid QB 1134 at 1172–1173, per Lord Phillips MR.
- 174
Walker v Northumberland County Council [1995] 1 All ER 737 at 750, per Colman J. See also Hart H. L. A., The Concept of Law (2nd edn, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994) at pp 132–133.
- 175
Mullender R., ‘ Prima Facie Rights, Rationality and the Law of Negligence’, ch 6 in M. Kramer (ed) Rights, Wrongs and Responsibilities (New York: Palgrave, 2001) at p 186.
- 176
See Hayek F. A., The Road to Serfdom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994) at pp 55–56. See also Kukathas C., Hayek and Modern Liberalism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990) at pp 117–118. In the case of the market as a discovery procedure, knowledge is encoded in prices that are themselves determined through voluntary exchanges. See Nishigama C., and Leube K. R. (eds), The Essence of Hayek (Stanford, California: Hoover Institution Press, 1984) at pp 219–220.
- 177
The use of ‘discovery procedure’ proposed in the text is extended for this reason. Hayek focuses his attention on a comparatively informal discovery procedure (the market, where, save for a body of constitutive rules, outcomes (prices) are determined by an aggregate of free choices. But, in the context of negligence law, a judge makes an authoritative ruling on the significance of evidence and arguments that (in order to be accepted) must satisfy a range of substantive and procedural requirements. The need for this latter discovery procedure is easily explained. The transaction costs (most obviously, search costs) involved in identifying the myriad circumstances in which reasonably foreseeable harm could be inflicted are prohibitively high. But, by allowing addressees of the law to mount or defend negligence actions, a body of knowledge concerning risks and means by which to counter them can be accumulated. Support for the extended use of ‘discovery procedure’ proposed here is provided in Campbell, D, ‘Of Coase and Corn: A (sort of) Defence of Private Nuisance’ (2000) 63 MLR 197 at 208, discussing the economic analysis of law offered by Elisabeth Krecke.
- 178
Cf Linden A. M., Canadian Tort Law (3rd edn, Toronto: Butterworths, 1993) at p 23. Linden does not go so far as to identify negligence law as a discovery procedure. But he does describe negligence law (and tort more generally) as a form of ‘ombudsman’ that yields new information by reference to which judges are able to fashion new doctrine.
- 179
179H
- 180
180A
- 181
On the difficulties involved in interpreting the concept of reasonableness, see Hart H. L. A., The Concept of Law (2nd edn, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994) at p 132. On vagueness, see Endicott T. A. O., Vagueness in Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) at p 31, stating that ‘[a]n expression is vague if there are borderline cases for its application’. See also Barry, B, ‘And Who is My Neighbour?’ (1979) 88 Yale LJ 629 at 638, on the difficulties involved in determining who one’s ‘neighbours’ are in practical contexts.
- 182
Deakin S., Johnston A., and Markesinis B. S., Tort Law (5th edn, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003) at p 178. From the standpoint that judges are expected to take up when assessing what a reasonable person would have done in the circumstances, the anticipated harm should be discounted for uncertainty. This involves multiplying the anticipated harm by the probability of its occurrence (a figure less than 1 (certainty)) in order to determine the quantum of expected harm. But even the judge who seeks to abide scrupulously by the requirement to deliberate in this way cannot insulate herself from the fact of harm (in those cases where it has been suffered). Thus, she is expected to exhibit uncommon mental discipline.
- 183
See Frank J., Law and the Modern Mind (London: Doubleday, 1949). Frank pursues the theme that ‘the trial court’s “finding” of the facts involves a multitude of elusive factors’ (at p x). He also argues that ‘the court room is a place of surging emotions’. In light of these points, Frank concludes that judicial responses to matters of fact take the form of ‘plus or minus reactions’ (at p xi). By this he means that the emotional response of the judge to the case before her plays a part in determining how she exercises discretion when determining matters of fact (at pp x–xi, xiii).
- 184
Atiyah P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997) at p 34. See also note 110 above (and associated text) on the ‘advantage of hindsight’.
- 185
See notes 81–83 and note 87 above (and associated text).
- 186
See note 83 above (and associated text).
- 187
See Volokh, E, ‘The Mechanisms of the Slippery Slope’ (2003) 116 Harv Law Rev 1026 at 1107. See also Atiyah P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997) at p 61, noting that judges ‘striv[e] not to appear old-fashioned fuddy duddies’.
- 188
CBS Songs v Amstrad Consumer Electronics plc [1988] AC 1013 at 1059.
- 189
See also Atiyah P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997) at pp 34–35, suggesting that judges may be ‘prone’ to make their decisions with the benefit of hindsight.
- 190
Wilsher v Essex Area Health Authority [1988] AC 1074 at 1090, per Lord Bridge.
- 191
[1973] 1 WLR 1. While, for the purposes of exposition, the text concentrates on McGhee, the analysis offered has relevance to the House of Lords’ decision in Fairchild v Glenhaven Funeral Services [2002] UKHL 22; [2003] 1 AC 32.
- 192
Ibid While, for the purposes of exposition at 6.
- 193
Ibid While, for the purposes of exposition. In staking out the position described in the text, the House effectively threw the burden of proof concerning causation onto the defendant. See Deakin S., Johnston A., and Markesinis B. S., Tort Law (5th edn, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003) at p 189. Only Lord Wilberforce acknowledged in terms that a reversal in the burden of proof was the upshot of the House’s decision.
- 194
See Moran M., Rethinking the Reasonable Person: An Egalitarian Reconstruction of the Objective Standard (Oxford: Oxford University Pres, 2003) at p 260, on ‘indifference’ as the morally salient core of negligence law.
- 195
On loss distribution, see Deakin S., Johnston A., and Markesinis B. S., Tort Law (5th edn, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003) at p 29; and Calabresi G., The Costs of Accidents: A Legal and Economic Analysis (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970), ch 4.
- 196
See eg Clark v MacLennan [1983] 1 All ER 416; and Fitzgerald v Lane [1987] QB 781.
- 197
See eg Dulieu v White & Sons [1901] 2 KB 669, establishing that psychiatric injury could ground a negligence claim; and Hedley Byrne & Co Ltd v Heller & Partners Ltd [1964] AC 465, establishing that pure economic loss could ground a negligence claim.
- 198
See note 66 above (and associated text).
- 199
Atiyah P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997) at p 60. The process of development that Atiyah criticises may reflect a tendency among some experts in the field of mental illness to conflate (a) those conditions that are seriously disabling and (b) unhappiness. See eg James O., Britain on the Couch: Why We’re Unhappier Compared with 1950 Despite Being Richer (London: Arrow Books, 1998) at p 30. See also Furedi F. The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002 (revd edn)) at p 92, criticising the ‘medicalisation of experience’.
- 200
Atiyah (1997), Ibid Atiyah, P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997), at p 61.
- 201
Ibid Atiyah, P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997).
- 202
On a non-normative account, a person suffers harm when she suffers a setback to her interests. This account of harm is more anodyne than normative accounts. The latter identify ‘wrongdoing’ as a necessary feature of harm. On these two conceptions of harm, see Feinberg J., The Moral Limits of the Criminal Law, Vol 1: Harm to Others (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), ch 1.
- 203
Weir J. A., Tort Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002) at p 186.
- 204
On post-traumatic stress disorder, see White v Chief Constable of the South Yorkshire Police [1999] 2 AC 455 at 488–489, per Lord Goff; and Deakin S., Johnston A., and Markesinis B. S., Tort Law (5th edn, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003) at pp 96–97. See also Lamprecht, F, and Sack, M, ‘Posttraumatic Stress Disorder Revisited’ (2002) 64 Psychosomatic Medicine 222.
- 205
See McMichael v United Kingdom, Series A no 307-B (1993) (anxiety and trauma); Olsson v Sweden, Series A no 130 (1988) (distress); and Papamichalopoulos v Greece, Series A no 330-B (1995) (frustration and feelings of helplessness). The point made in the text has direct relevance to judges adjudicating negligence claims, because the doctrine of indirect horizontal effect obliges them to develop private law in conformity with Convention rights, and, by operation of s 2 of the Human Rights Act 1998, they are obliged to take account of ECtHR jurisprudence where it is relevant to the disputes that come before them. For further discussion of these points, see Wright J., Tort Law and Human Rights (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2001), ch 2.
- 206
On vagueness and reasonable disagreement in the law, see Kutz C. L., ‘Just Disagreement: Indeterminacy and Rationality in the Rule of Law’ (1994) 103 Yale LJ 1001 at 1004–1005, 1029–1030.
- 207
Atiyah P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997) at pp 22–24 lends some support to the suggestion made in the text. He describes claimants seeking to advance ‘nuisance value’, ‘exaggerated’, or ‘wholly bogus’ claims with the intention of encouraging the alleged wrongdoer to settle them out of court. See also Olson W., The Litigation Explosion: What Happened When America Unleashed the Lawsuit (New York: Truman Talley Books, 1991) at p 262.
- 208
Cf Olson (1991), Ibid Olson, W., The Litigation Explosion: What Happened When America Unleashed the Lawsuit (New York: Truman Talley Books, 1991), at p 342, characterising behaviour of the sort described in the text as ‘self-seeking’.
- 209
209S
- 210
Ibid Sullivan, R. J., Immanuel Kant’s Moral Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989) at pp 198–200. See also Olson W., The Litigation Explosion: What Happened When America Unleashed the Lawsuit (New York: Truman Talley Books, 1991) at p 339, arguing that blame culture in the USA is ‘born of [among other things] an underlying failure … to attach moral significance to wrongful accusation’.
- 211
See Sullivan R. J., An Introduction to Kant’s Ethics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994) at p 29. In his writings on practical matters, Kant does not address the issue of blame culture (in the negative sense). But (in line with his commitment to the categorical imperative) he identifies law as an institution that should adequately accommodate the interests of all its addressees. This feature of his thinking (the universal principle of justice) supports the conclusion that he would have seen those modes of behaviour associated with blame culture (in the negative sense) as unacceptable. On the universal principle of justice, see Sullivan (1994) at pp 11–13. See also Reiss H. (ed), Kant: Political Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) at pp 136–137. The argument advanced in the text makes the large assumption that Kantian moral philosophy is applicable to corporations and other non-human legal entities. This assumption cannot be examined in the compass of this essay.
- 212
Fukuyama F., The Great Disruption: Human Nature and the Reconstitution of Social Order (London: Profile Books, 1999) at p 10. Cf Furedi F. The Culture of Fear: Risk-Taking and the Morality of Low Expectations (London: Continuum, 2002 (revd edn)) at pp 139–142.
- 213
See Atiyah P. S., The Damages Lottery (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 1997) at pp 60–61; and Arculus D., et al, ‘Better Routes to Redress’ (London: Better Regulation Task Force, 2004) at pp 3, 7, 12, 19.
- 214
Brooks v Commissioner of Police for the Metropolis [2005] UKHL 24; [2005] 1 WLR 1495.
- 215
Ibid Brooks v Commissioner of Police for the Metropoliss at [30], where the locution ‘going too far’ is taken from Lord Steyn’s speech.
- 216
The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry: Report of an Inquiry by Sir William Macpherson of Cluny (1999) (Cm 4262–1).
- 217
[2005] UKHL 24; [2005] 1 WLR 1495 at [12], per Lord Steyn.
- 218
Ibid UKHL 24.
- 219
Ibid UKHL 24.
- 220
Ibid UKHL 24 at [24], per Lord Steyn.
- 221
Ibid UKHL 24 at [33], invoking Hill v Chief Constable of West Yorkshire [1989] AC 53 at 59, 62–64, per Lord Keith.
- 222
Ibid UKHL 24 at [19]–[20], per Lord Steyn. The ‘principle’ invoked by Lord Steyn is perhaps better categorised as the policy of avoiding ‘overkill’. See Mullender R., ‘Prima Facie Rights, Rationality and the Law of Negligence’, ch 6 in M. Kramer (ed) Rights, Wrongs and Responsibilities (New York: Palgrave, 2001) at p 180.
- 223
[2005] UKHL 24; [2005] 1 WLR 1495 at [33].
- 224
Ibid UKHL 24 at [30].
- 225
Ibid UKHL 24.
- 226
See Olson W., The Litigation Explosion: What Happened When America Unleashed the Lawsuit (New York: Truman Talley Books, 1991) at pp 69–70, identifying a readiness to sue defendants for harms wrongfully inflicted by others as a feature of blame culture. In the same passage of text, Olson also notes that the availability of liability insurance may prompt plaintiffs to bring claims of the sort described here. See also Williams, K, ‘State of Fear: Britain’s “Compensation Culture” Reviewed’ (2005) 25 Legal Studies 499 at 511, n 62, ‘[o]n the connection between the availability of liability insurance and the symbiotic development of negligence liability’.
- 227
See notes 217–219 above.
- 228
Olson W., The Litigation Explosion: What Happened When America Unleashed the Lawsuit (New York: Truman Talley Books, 1991) at pp 89–92, identifying vaguely specified arguments for the imposition of liability as a feature of blame culture.
- 229
See Caparo Industries plc v Dickman [1990] 2 AC 605 at 620–621, where Lord Bridge drew a distinction between statements put into ‘general circulation’ and those made to specific persons for specific purposes in order to limit the range of circumstances in which liability for negligent misstatement could be imposed under the Hedley Byrne principle; Marc Rich & Co AG v Bishop Rock Marine Co Ltd (The Nicholas H) [1996] AC 211, where considerations of policy (eg not deflecting the defendant from the performance of a public function; not disrupting complex insurance arrangements) were invoked as grounds for rejecting an otherwise sound claim; and Osman v Ferguson [1993] 4 All ER 344, where the decision to strike out a claim against the police was justified by reference to a policy-based ‘immunity’ from suit.
- 230
Cardozo B. N., The Paradoxes of Legal Science (New York: University of Columbia Press, 1928) at p 72.
- 231
Ibid Cardozo, B. N., The Paradoxes of Legal Science (New York: University of Columbia Press, 1928).
- 232
Ibid Cardozo, B. N., The Paradoxes of Legal Science (New York: University of Columbia Press, 1928). See also p 75, where Cardozo states that judges ‘are balancing and compromising and adjusting every moment that they judge’.
- 233
The ideal of distributive justice specifies that the law and other public institutions should adequately accommodate the interests of all those affected by their operations. See Mullender R., ‘Prima Facie Rights, Rationality, and the Law of Negligence’, ch 6 in M. Kramer (ed) Risks, Wrongs and Responsibilities (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001) at p 186. On distributive justice in negligence law, see note 175 above (and associated text).
- 234
See Mullender R., ‘Treading a More Uncertain Path: Negligence and the House of Lords’ (1997) 5 Tort Law Review 180.
- 235
Ibid Mullender, R., ‘Treading a More Uncertain Path: Negligence and the House of Lords’ (1997). See also note 16 above, on the ‘retreat’ from Anns, and note 229, on some of the means used by judges to limit the scope of negligence law.
- 236
See Stanton K. M., ‘The Decline of Tort Liability for Professional Negligence’ (1991) 44 CLP 83 at 99–103.
- 237
The normative argument offered in the text takes the form of ‘verdict’ or ‘diagnosis’ in the sense specified in Oakeshott M., On Human Conduct (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975) at pp 36–38. Oakeshott argues that those who participate in and reflect upon particular practices typically have an understanding of their ‘postulates’. Hence, they are able to determine when the conduct of participants (or those who claim to be participants) is ‘unsatisfactory, wanting, amiss, or otherwise objectionable’. In the case of negligence law, corrective justice is, for example, a postulate. Hence, arguments for the imposition of liability that fail to engage this ideal will appear objectionable.
- 238
While the matter cannot be pursued in detail here, the statement made in the text needs to be qualified. In some cases, conventional negligence doctrine (eg proof of causation on the balance of probabilities) will not provide a basis on which to seek redress for wrongdoing. This point applies, for example, to Fairchild v Glenhaven Funeral Services [2002] UKHL 22; [2003] 1 AC 32, where a succession of employers had negligently exposed the claimant to asbestos dust.
- 239
See X v Bedfordshire County Council [1995] 2 AC 633 at 749, per Lord Browne-Wilkinson, emphasising the central importance of corrective justice in negligence law.
- 240
Olson W., The Litigation Explosion: What Happened When America Unleashed the Lawsuit (New York: Truman Talley Books, 1991) at pp 249–269. The junk claims described by Olson take a wide variety of forms. Some are brought by claimants who are ‘honest but naïve’, while others are brought by ‘opportunists’ (at p 254). Moreover, the term ‘opportunists’ (as used by Olson) is broad enough to embrace both those who seek to exploit, inter alia, vagueness in the law and those whose conduct is fraudulent. The possibility of fraudulent claims is taken seriously by some addressees of the law. See Williams K., ‘State of Fear: Britain’s “Compensation Culture” Reviewed’ (2005) 25 Legal Studies 499 at 512, n 75, noting that ‘[i]n November 2004, several local authorities set up a telephone hotline to encourage the public to “name and shame” people suspected of making false compensation claims’.
- 241
Olson (1991), Ibid Olson, W., The Litigation Explosion: What Happened When America Unleashed the Lawsuit (New York: Truman Talley Books, 1991), at p 340, lamenting the passing, in the USA, of ‘the old legal ethics’, according to which ‘the good lawyer did not go about looking for chances to litigate’. But see also p 254, where Olson notes that H L Mencken was complaining about unmeritorious claims (albeit not in the area of negligence law) as long ago as 1927.
- 242
Mullender R., ‘Tort, Human Rights, and Common Law Culture’ (2003) 23 OJLS 301 at 312–313.
- 243
By acting in ways that serve to sustain a co-operative and mutually beneficial institution, addressees of the law discharge a personal virtue of justice. See Mullender, R, and Speirs, A, ‘Negligence, Psychiatric Injury, and the Altruism Principle’ (2000) 20 OJLS 645 at 653, n 63, drawing on Aquinas T., Summa Theologica (London: Blackfriars, 1963–1981). See also O’Neill O., Towards Justice and Virtue: A Constructive Account of Practical Reasoning (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) at p 187, arguing that institutions are ‘never perfect’, with the result that the ‘virtues of justice’ are ‘never redundant’. In the same passage of text, O’Neill identifies respect for others and truthfulness as virtues of justice.
- 244
The principle that rights and responsibilities should stand in a complementary relationship features prominently in New Labour rhetoric and in the political philosophy most closely associated with the Blair administration. Hence, the omission of this principle from the Compensation Bill and the very limited attention given to it in the BRTF’s Better Routes to Redress is somewhat surprising. On rights and responsibilities in New Labour thought, see Mullender, R, ‘Theorising the Third Way: Qualified Consequentialism, the Proportionality Principle, and the New Social Democracy’ (2000) 27 J of Law and Soc 493 at 497. See also Arculus D., et al, ‘Better Routes to Redress’ (London: Better Regulation Task Force, 2004) at p 37.
- 245
Fukuyama F., The Great Disruption: Human Nature and the Reconstitution of Social Order (London: Profile Books, 1999) at p 17.
- 246
Olson throws light on the difficulties faced by judges when deciding claims against medical practitioners. In his discussion of ‘a Harvard study of medical malpractice in New York’, he states that ‘in the overwhelming majority of cases where suits were filed the doctor had not been negligent’. But Olson notes that ‘the study … [also] found that in the overwhelming majority of cases where doctors had been negligent they got off without being sued’. See Olson W., The Litigation Explosion: What Happened When America Unleashed the Lawsuit (New York: Truman Talley Books, 1991) at p 270, referring to Brennan, R A, Leape, L L, Laird, M M, Herbert, L, Localio, A R, Lawthers, A G, et al, ‘Incidence of Adverse Events and Negligence in Hospitalised Patients: Results of the Harvard Medical Practice Study’ (1991) 324 New Eng J of Med 370.
- 247
Donoghue v Stevenson [1932] AC 562 at 619.
- 248
See note 18 above (and associated text).
- 249
Barrett v Enfield LBC [2001] 2 AC 550 at 557, per Lord Browne-Wilkinson, stating that, in an area of negligence law that is ‘uncertain and developing’, it is ‘normally inappropriate to strike out’.
- 1
Lecturer, Newcastle Law School. Thanks are due to John Alder and Michael Jones for their comments on earlier drafts of this article. Thanks are also due to Ann Sinclair for her research assistance.